Ilmu Massa, Turath, Sejarah. Analisa Kajian Budaya Pemikir. Peradaban Insani Kalbu Akal Mencerah. Hakikat Amal Zikir Dan Fikir. Ilmu, Amal, Hikmah Menjana Pencerahan. Ulul-Albab Rausyanfikir Irfan Bistari. Tautan Mahabbah Mursyid Bimbingan. Alam Melayu Alam Islami Tamadun Melayu Peradaban Islami. Rihlah Ilmiah Menjana Pencerahan Pemikiran, Kefahaman & Ketamadunan (Ilmu,Amal,Hikmah & Mahabbah) - Inspirasi: Rizhan el-Rodi

Ottoman Contributions to Science & Technology

Ottoman Contributions to Science & Technology: Some Examples from Medicine, Astronomy and Geography
·         Written by  Dr Salim Aydüz 

I. Setting the stage

In its history and development, the innovative features of Ottoman science are obvious and various. Whilst the older Islamic centres of science and culture influenced initially Ottoman scientific tradition, it quickly reached a point where it could itself influence these old centres and serve as an example to them.

The great changes in the scientific and educational life of the Ottomans were achieved over an extensive period of time. Consequently, it is difficult to connect the radical changes in Ottoman history to specific events or to start from a certain date. In general, “old and new” existed side by side. To substantiate such a claim, focus will be laid in this section on the formation and development of the classical Ottoman scientific tradition that was based on the Islamic classical scientific tradition, including the heritage of the Seljuks and other Muslim and Turkish states.[i]

The Ottoman Empire was established as a small principality at the turn of the 14th century and gradually expanded into the Byzantine Empire and other Muslim and non-Muslim states. Its authority reached its highest point in the 16th century, and it became the most powerful state of the world. The Empire extended from Central Europe to the Indian Ocean and lasted for many centuries by keeping the balance of power with modern Europe.[ii]

Scientific activities in the Ottoman state emerged and developed in Anatolian cities from the scientific legacy and institutions of the pre-Ottoman Seljuk period and benefited from the activities of scholars who came from Egypt, Syria, Iran, and Turkestan—that is, from the substantial scientific and cultural centres of the time. Alongside the old centres of Islamic civilization, new centres, such as Bursa, Edirne, Istanbul, Amasya, Skopje, and Sarajevo flourished during to Ottoman period. The developments of this period form the heritage that constitutes the cultural identity and scientific legacy of present-day Turkey, as well as an important part of the intellectual history of several Middle Eastern, North African, and Balkan countries. The Ottomans also benefited greatly from their non-Muslim subjects and European neighbours, and provided very favourable working conditions for scientists from many different fields, including medicine, astronomy, and mathematics, by inviting them to conduct their studies at the important centres of science and culture in the Islamic world.[iii] Engaging the services of scientists and artists from either the west or the east as needed, without regard to religion or nationality, was an established and advantageous practice in the Ottoman Empire.[iv]

During the classical period, Ottoman scientists and scholars showed remarkable success in developing science and were able to produce many works in various branches. This paper provides an overview, with examples, of the formation and development of Ottoman science and the scientific activities, especially in medicine, astronomy and geography. During the classical period (1300-1600), Ottoman scientists and scholars had remarkable success in developing Islamic science and were able to produce many works in various branches of science. The Ottoman contribution to Science and Technology during their six hundred year rule is beyond measure. This article is a brief outline of just some of the Ottoman scientific activities and related institutions that brought about the revival of culture, science, and learning in civilizations throughout the world. This article discusses the Ottoman Contributions to modern science and technology, citing examples from medicine, astronomy and geography. The Ottoman contributions to science and technology have been subject to various research projects in the past. Each of these works, clarify and point to different aspects of the history of Ottoman science. In this work, all previous research has been evaluated and the Ottoman contributions on medicine, astronomy and geography have been treated in an encompassing fashion, showing the importance of it. While doing so, both the institutional and the individual achievements are stressed and a general evaluation has been made of the scientific activities of the Ottomans in the sixteenth century. This work, which starts with the most common educational institution of Islamic civilization, the Madrasa, continues with other scientific institutions and concludes with the activities on the fields of astronomy and geography.

II. The Ottoman Madrasas

s was the core source of science and education and the most important institution of learning in the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman madrasas continued their activities from the establishment of the state until approximately the turn of the twentieth century. The basic structure of the madrasas remained the same within the framework of the Islamic tradition, but in terms of organization, they underwent several changes during the Ottoman period. Starting with the first madrasa established in 1331 in Iznik (Nicaea) by Orhan Bey, the second Ottoman sultan (1326–1362), all madrasas had waqfs(public foundations) supporting their activities.[v]

Shortly after Mehmed II conquered Istanbul, he built the Fātih Külliye (complex) known as the Sahn-i Samān Madrasas (Eight Court Colleges) which comprised a mosque located at the center, as well as colleges, a hospital, a mektep (elementary mosque school), a public kitchen, and other buildings located around the mosque. It was the first educational complex built in Islamic civilization which contained all religious and social components of city life. It set an example for similar structures built by the sultan’s successors and high-ranking members of the ruling class. The madrasas of the Fatih Complex, comprising sixteen adjacent madrasas, represented the first Ottoman madrasas that had the structure of a university campus. Owing to the political stability and economic wealth of the reign of Mehmed, distinguished scholars and artists of the Islamic world assembled in Istanbul.[vi] Scholars from different cultures and religions also came to Istanbul, bringing diversity to the intellectual life of the Empire. As the waqfs, which were the financial sources of madrasas, grew rich, scientific and educational life developed further.[vii]

Ottoman science developed owing to the personal interest of Mehmed II and the educational institutions that he established after the conquest of Istanbul. Consequently, some brilliant scholars emerged and made original contributions to science in this period. Mehmed patronized the Islamic scholars and at the same time made use of scholars of other nationalities by ordering a Greek scholar from Trabzon, Georgios Amirutzes, and his son to translate Ptolemy’s
 Geography into Arabic and to draw a world map. Mehmed also encouraged the scholars of his time to produce works in their special fields.[viii] For example, for the comparison of al-Ghazali’s criticisms of peripatetic philosophers (meshshâiyyûn) regarding metaphysical matters, expressed in his work titled Tahāfut al-Falāsifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers), and Ibn Rushd’s answers to these criticisms in his work Tahāfut al-Tahāfut (The Incoherence of Incoherence), he ordered two scholars, Hocazāde and Alā al-Dīn al-Tūsī, each to write a work on this subject.[ix] Foreign experts from all over the world were welcomed into the Empire and made contributions to their special fields.[x]

Without a doubt the most distinguished scientist of Mehmed II’s reign was Ali Kuscu (d. 1474), a representative of the Samarkand tradition. He wrote twelve books on mathematics and astronomy.[xi] One of them is his commentary on the
 Zīj-i Ulug Bey in Persian. His two works in Persian, namely, Risāla fi’l-Hay’a (Treatise on Astronomy) and Risāla fi’l-Hisāb (Treatise on Arithmetic) were taught in the Ottoman madrasas. He rewrote these two works in Arabic with some additions under new titles, al-Fathiyya (Commemoration of Conquest) and al-Muhammadiyya (The Book dedicated to Sultan Mehmed), respectively.[xii]

A remarkable scholar of Bayezid II’s reign (1481–1512) was Molla Lūtfi (d. 1494). He wrote a treatise about the classification of sciences titled
 Mawdūāt al-Ulūm (Subjects of the Sciences) in Arabic and compiled a book on geometry titled Tad’īf al-Madhbah (Duplication of the Cube), which was partly translated from Greek. Mirim Celebi (d. 1525), a well-known astronomer and mathematician of this period and the grandson of Ali Kuscu and Qādī Zādeh, contributed to the establishment of the scientific traditions of mathematics and astronomy and was renowned for the commentary he wrote on the Zīj of Ulugh Beg.[xiii]

In medicine, the works of Sabuncuoglu Serefeddin (d. ca. 1468) were particularly important in the development of Ottoman medical literature and their influence on Safavid medicine. The first book on surgery that he wrote in Turkish entitled
 Jarrāhiyāt al-Khāniyya (Treatise on Surgery of the Sultans) comprises the translation of Abu’l-Qāsim Zahrāwī’s al-Tasrīf, a self-contained handbook of the medical arts, and the three sections that he himself wrote. This work is renowned in the history of Islamic medicine in that it illustrates surgical operations with miniatures for the first time. Besides the classical Islamic medical information, this work contains Turco-Mongolian and Far Eastern influences as well as the author’s own experiences.[xiv]

The establishment of the Süleymaniye
 Külliye (complex) by Süleyman the Magnificent (1520–1566) in the sixteenth century marked the final stage in the development of the madrasa system where, besides the conventional madrasas, a specialized one called Dār al-tib (Medical College) was founded. Thus, for the first time in Ottoman history, in addition to the sifahanes (hospitals), an independent institution was established to provide medical education.[xv]

Scientific literature developed considerably in the reign of Süleyman the Magnificent. We find two major mathematical books in Turkish entitled
 Jamāl al-Kuttāb wa Kamāl al-Hussāb (Beauty of Scribes and Perfection of Accountants) and Umdat al-Hisāb (Treatise on Arithmetic) by Nasûh al-Silâhî al-Matrâqî (d. 1564). His book in Turkish entitled Beyân-i Menâzil-i Sefer-i Irakeyn (Description of the encamping on the Campaign to the Two Iraqs), related to geography, should also be mentioned[xvi] Mûsâ ibn Hâmûn (d. 1554) shows how diversity benefited science in the Ottoman Empire. One of the most famous Jewish physicians of Andalusian descent, Mûsâ ibn Hâmûn was appointed as Sultan Süleyman’s physician and wrote the first Turkish and one of the earliest independent works on dentistry which is based on Greek, Islamic, and Uighur Turkish medical sources, and in particular on Sabuncuoglu Serefeddin’s works. In the sixteenth century, the representatives of the Egypt–Damascus tradition of astronomy-mathematics wrote important works on astronomy. The greatest astronomer of this period was Taqī al-Dīn al-Rāsid (d. 1585), who combined the Egypt–Damascus and Samarkand traditions. He wrote more than thirty books in Arabic on the subjects of mathematics, astronomy, mechanics, and medicine.

III. Scientific Institutions

In addition to the
 madrasas, which gave basic education, there were the institutions where medical sciences and astronomy were practiced and taught by the master-apprentice method. These were thesifahanes (hospitals), which were maintained by a chief physician (hakimbashi), the office of the munajjim-bashi (chief astronomership),[xvii] the Istanbul observatory, and the muvakkithanes (time keeping houses).[xviii]

III. 1. Hospitals (Shifâhânas)

The chief physician who was responsible for palace and state health matters undertook the administration of all
 dar al-shifas (hospitals) among the Ottomans. The chief physician would maintain a register containing the names and other information pertaining to public service doctors. When there was a need for a doctor anywhere, the chief physician would appoint one in the appropriate order—that is, based on the availability of physicians of a particular rank and qualification.[xix] Shifahanas carried out the same functions as hospitals do today. As waqf institutions, they were concerned with the public health of all social strata. They also offered medical education organized along apprenticeship lines. In the Ottoman literature, the buildings where health-related activities were carried out were known variously as Dâr al-Shifâ, dârüssihhâ, sifâhâne, bîmaristân, bîmarhâne and timarhâne. Beginning in the early nineteenth century under the influence of the new western-style medical institutions that were emerging, the term “hospital” began to come into use. Many hospital buildings constructed in the cities of Konya, Sivas, and Kayseri during the Seljuk years continued to function during the Ottoman period as they had earlier, without any changes in their charter regulations. In this sense, it can be said that the Seljuk hospital and medical tradition had a major impact, first on the Ottomans, and later on the Europeans.[xx] Similarly, the Ottomans built several darüssifas in cities such as Bursa, Edirne, and Istanbul. Some sources mention that there were a great number in Istanbul in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This indicates the importance that Ottomans attributed to darüssifas. The Ottoman darüssifas were not constructed as independent buildings, but as part of a külliye. There was a hierarchy of hospitals, and the highest-ranking hospital was the Süleymaniye Dâr al-Shifâ, which of course was the most important medical institution in the Ottoman Empire.[xxi]

There were a large number of hospitals founded during the Ottoman period, particularly in Istanbul. The first of these was the
 Dâr al-Shifâ in the Fâtih complex (1470). This hospital contained 70 rooms and 80 domes and had separate sections for female patients. Music was used in the treatment of mentally ill patients, who were being burned or tortured in Europe same time. There are few traces left of this hospital, which continued to function until 1824.[xxii]

 Bâyezîd Dâr al-Shifâ constructed by Sultan Bâyezîd II in Edirne in 1488 was well known for the treatment of the mentally ill and of diseases of the eye. The building, which is really an historical monument, is especially notable among Turkish hospitals in an architectural sense. The structure was designed in an especially attractive way and had an impact on the design of European hospital buildings. Evliyâ Celebi, in his Seyahatnâme (Travels), discusses how mentally ill patients were treated with music.[xxiii]

III. 2. Medical Institutions: Suleymaniye Medical Madrasa

The Süleymaniye Complex (külliye), sponsored by Süleyman the Magnificent and built from 1550 to 1557 in Istanbul by the great architect Sinān (1489-1588), is the largest of the Ottoman building enterprises.[xxiv] It is a rationally planned socio-religious complex with geometrically organized dependencies, consisting of the monumental Suleymaniye Mosque and madrasas and other components.[xxv] It follows the example of the Fatih Complex, but Sinān made its architectural qualities vastly superior. The courtyard was surrounded by streets where there were madrasas for different levels of education, a medical school, and a large hospital, and other social buildings were set up on the slopes of the terrain.

Architecturally, the Medical Madrasa was planned as a component of the multi-functional Süleymaniye Complex.[xxvi] The Medical Madrasa, with a perpendicular floor plan, was composed of twelve domed cells lined up next to the shops on Tiryakiler Street, which was located in the south-western part of the Süleymaniye Mosque.[xxvii] The Medical Madrasa was related to the other components of the complex: the Dâr al-shifa (hospital), the Dār al-akakir (drugstore), the Tabhane (the place where patients stay during their convalescence period), and the Imarethane (public kitchen). In terms of handling the medical students, a kind of division of labor shows itself with respect to these components. The medical students depending on the Madrasa used the cells as a dormitory, had free meals cooked in the kitchen, used the hospital for practicing the theoretical lessons they learned in the Medical Madrasa, received their medicine from the drugstore, and, after being cured in the hospital, they would stay in the Tabhane for the period of convalescence.

The construction of this madrasa is considered to be a new stage in the history of Ottoman medical institutions. The Süleymaniye Medical School was the first formal teaching institution for Ottoman medicine. Unlike the previous traditional medical schools, which were just components of hospitals, Süleymaniye was the first medical school in the Islamic civilization to have a deed of trust (waqfiyya) that mentioned its character as an institution for medical learning.[xxviii] The Medical School was described in the charter as “the good madrasa which will house the science of medicine.” The MedicalMadrasa was established to train specialized physicians and occupied a very important place in the field of Ottoman medical education in terms of medical specialization.[xxix] Medical education acquired an independent institutional structure with the founding of this school.[xxx] The entrance to the medical school, which was located across from the hospital, of which only the south-western wing has survived to this day, opened out onto Tiryâkiler Market. The north-eastern wing of the structure was located above the arches and shops of the market.

The Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa was the first institution to be built next to the Dār al-Shifā in Istanbul. Süleyman the Magnificent ordered the establishment of a medical madrasa in his complex to educate highly skilled physicians for the needs of both the public and army. The Medical Madrasa and the Dār al-shifā buildings were built side-by-side to provide both a medical education and a public health service. This is very similar to contemporary university hospitals. Sinān placed the school and the hospital parallel to each other in a separate block in one corner of the very large complex, next to two rectangular courtyards. The idea of two buildings together, a Medical Madrasa and the Dār al-shifā, is considered superior in application and was ahead of its time. After a lesson in medical theory, the medical student would go the Dār al-shifā straight away to put into practice what he had learned. Hence, the Süleymaniye Medical School and Dār al-shifā have a very important place in the history of medical education and its application to hospitals.

III. 3. Staff of the Medical

According to the deed of the complex, the Medical Madrasa had a very basic and small staff. One Muderris (lecturer), eight danişmends (students), and three auxiliary staff—the noktaci (assistant),bevvab (doorkeeper) and ferrash (cleaner)—were assigned.[xxxi] There was a muderris as head of the madrasa, just as at the other madrasas. However, there were some special conditions for a muderris of a medical madrasa: they had to be well educated on the medical sciences and be able to direct the students through the medical sciences.[xxxii]

The first teacher at the Süleymaniye Medical School was Tabib Ahmed Çelebi b. İsa Çelebi, who received sixty akças per day.[xxxiii] The deed mentioned the daily wage of the muderris was twenty akçasper day, but he received a higher salary due to his level of skill in medicine. Some of the Medical Madrasa muderrisses were appointed to other medical institutions as a shagird.[xxxiv] As we see from the documents, some famous physicians were appointed as muderrisses at the medical madrasas, such as chief physicians Büyük Hayatizâde Mustafa Feyzi, Ayaşlı Şaban Şifai, Ömer Efendi, and Gevrekzâde Hasan Efendi.[xxxv]

III. 4. The Education at the Medical

Although we have no sources available that fully explain the teaching and educational methods followed in the Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa, it is understood from its deed, from the constitutions for courts and madrasas (ilmiye kanunnameleri), and from primary sources belonging to the classical period (1300-1600), that the school was formerly taught and carried out along the lines of the master-apprentice method. This practical method also used to be popular among other medical and social institutions, such as the trade market system and ahl-i hiraf (artisans) organizations. This system was also common before the Ottomans, in the Seljuk period. The textbooks used in the Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa are only generally mentioned in the deeds and other sources. They taught the famous medical text books at the Medical Madrasa. Although the deed does not mention the names of the textbooks, we do have a list of books which were given to the head physician to teach. In the list, we find sixty-six famous medical books, of which eighteen were written by Ibn Sīnā.[xxxvi] Although there is no indication that these books were given for Medical Madrasa teaching purposes, we know that at that time, these books were circulating among physicians for educational purposes. According to the deeds, in addition to medical textbooks, courses on logic (ilm-i mizan), medicine (ilm-i abdan), and rational sciences (fenn-i hikmet, ulum-i akliye) were also somehow taught at the School.

In the deeds, there is no clear statement about the days and hours of the courses. In general, we know that that Süleyman the Magnificent stipulated the teaching of five courses a day on four weekdays. It is thought that pre-Ottoman practices were followed by taking Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday as holidays. Festival days were also holidays, but these holidays could be decreased accordingly.[xxxvii] The rest of the days were for teaching.

The Medical Madrasa was under the administrative control of the Chief Physician’s Office (Hekimbaşı).[xxxviii] The chief physician was responsible for the health of the sultan and that of the personnel of the palace, as well as for managing all state health institutions. His office monitored all appointments and any other studies at the Medical Madrasa. All students with diplomas from medical madrasas, medical schools (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye), and hospitals would register with the chief physician upon graduation and would then await appointment to a medical institution.[xxxix] The chief physician would appoint new doctors to vacant posts and would approve the promotion of those recommended for such. As a medical institution, the staff of the madrasa was under the aegis of the general Ottoman appointment system.

Unfortunately, there is no exact information on how many years medical education lasted at this madrasa. Ahmed b. İbrahim, author of Tashil al-Tadâbir, mentioned that he himself graduated from the Süleymaniye Medical School after fifteen years and then became a physician at the palace. From his case, we understand that the educational process was very long.[xl] Most of the physicians appointed to the palace as palace physicians were selected from physicians who graduated from the Süleymaniye Medical School, and, of course, suitability was a very important point for appointments.

Abbé Toderini, who lived in Istanbul between 1781 and 1786, provides information on the teaching method in the Medical Madrasa of Süleymaniye in a chapter of his famous book, De La Littérature Des Turcs. According to Toderini, Turkish medical lecturers taught courses in general pathology and surgery in Süleymaniye for four days a week. In addition to medical students, the courses were open to those who wished to attend. There was no barrier to Franks (Europeans) attending these courses. Ubezio, a European physician, said that he followed the courses many times as a listener. The teaching method consisted of reading medical books, studying diseases and medicines through clinical observation, and learning from the physicians' knowledge and advice.[xli]

The Süleymaniye Medical School offered medical education for about three centuries and was the institution which provided doctors for almost all of the Ottoman medical institutions, and mostly for the Fatih Hospital in Istanbul. Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa's graduates and students, such as Osman Saib Efendi, Abdülhak Molla, and Mustafa Behçet Efendi were among the founders and teachers of the modern medical school in Istanbul in 1827. Thus, they pioneered the modernizing of medical education in Turkey.

The School most likely continued to train students until the middle of the nineteenth century—that is, until sometime after the new medical school (tıbbiye) opened.[xlii] After the Second Constitutional Period (II. Meşrutiyet), the Süleymaniye Madrasa was included in the body of "Dâru'l-hilafeti'l-aliyye Medresesi," which was a plan to assemble all the madrasas of Istanbul under one roof. It is understood that the Medical Madrasa was out of use and needed restoration during the year 1914. It also seems that on 21 December 1918, people who had lost their homes during a fire used this madrasa. Since 1946, after a full restoration, the building has been used as a Maternity Clinic (Süleymaniye Doğum ve Çocuk Bakımevi).

IV. Astronomy

From as far back as the time of the Prophet, we know that Muslims had needed astronomy for the determination of times, an important factor in religious duties, and geography to find the direction of the Ka’ba. The precise calculation of the prayer times, as well as of the beginning and the end of the daily fast in the month of Ramadan, fell naturally within the domain of the astronomer. It is true that for the times of regular prayers, for example, Muslims were given approximate directions and were allowed some latitude; simple rules concerning these matters could be found in the
 Traditions. From the very beginning of Islam, Muslim scholars had to work on these two subjects under very strict rules. Due to closeness of the fields, most of the Muslim scholars had a deep knowledge of both sciences and they produced a considerable number of books.

Astronomical studies in the Islamic civilization started in the very early days. Observations of the sun and the moon and the calculation of the prayer times required precision. The observatory was one of the most highly developed institutions of science and learning in Islam and one of the high-water marks of the Muslim civilization. There is no doubt that the observatory, as a specialized scientific institution, owes a great deal to Islam. It may very reasonably be claimed that it was in Islam that the observatory, as a specialized institution with an official and legal status and with a fixed location where observation and other work on stellar bodies was systematically carried out through the cooperation of several scientists, first came into existence.

Already early in the 9th century, the Caliph Al-Ma'mun initiated the tradition of founding observatories in Islam, by founding two major but very short-lived observatories, the Shammasiya in Baghdad and Qasiyun in Damascus. There are eight other examples of the building of full-fledged and elaborate official state observatories in the Islamic realm up to the 17th century.

The Maragha Observatory, founded in 1259 under the patronage of Hulagu, was one of the most elaborate institutions of its kind and the scene of important work. Prince Ulugh Bey built another gigantic observatory in Samarqand in 1420, and finally the Tophane Observatory in Istanbul was founded by Murad III in 1577.

IV.1. Istanbul Observatory

In the Ottoman civilization, scientific institutions, in the field of astronomy, included the chief astronomer’s office (munajjimbashi), the
 muvaqqithānes and the Istanbul Observatory. Though one can find original and translated works in the fields of astronomy and astrology from the early period, the first calendrical works only began during the time of Sultan Murad II (1421-1451). These calendars were prepared as palace almanacs and we have no idea about the authors.[xliii] They continued the classical Islamic astronomical tradition in this field, and combined the traditions of both the Samarkand and Maragha schools of astronomy in their works. Ulug Bey’s Zīj, which was prepared in the Samarkand observatory, became a very significant manual for Ottoman astronomers and astrologers.[xliv]

The Ottomans had well organized astronomical institutions such as the post of Chief-astronomer (munajjimbashilik) and time keeping houses (muwaqqithānas). In the Ottoman palace administration, the person in charge of directing the astronomers was called munajjimbashi, that is Chief Astronomer. The position of Chief Astronomer was established sometime between the late 15th and early 16thcenturies. The Chief Astronomer’s most important duty was the preparation of annual calendars. They were responsible for determining the beginning of fasting times (imsāqiya) before the month of Ramadan and preparing horoscopes (zāyija) and astronomical tables (zījs) for the palace people and prominent officials.

The timekeeper’s offices (muvaqqithānes) were public buildings located in the courtyards of mosques or masjids in almost every town. They were widely built by the Ottomans especially after the conquest of Istanbul. They were administered by the foundation (waqf) of the complex (külliye) and the people who worked in the muvaqqithānes were named muvaqqit, meaning the person who kept the time, especially for the times of prayer.

In addition to other science related institutions, the observatory founded in Istanbul was administered by the chief astronomer Taqī al-Dīn al-Rasid (d. 1585). The first Ottoman observatory was also the last big observatory of the Islamic Civilization. With the support of Sultan Murad III, he started the construction of the Istanbul observatory. As well as using the existing instruments of observation, Taqī al-Dīn invented new ones in order to determine the equinoxes. He also developed and used gravity and spring driven mechanical clocks and invented a six-cylinder pump (engine) for raising water in a continuous manner.[xlv] In addition, he wrote more than thirty books in mathematics, astronomy, mechanics, and medicine.

Taqi al-Din, who was born in Damascus in 1526, worked for a time as a qadīi and a teacher after completing his education in Damascus and Egypt. During his time in Egypt and Damascus, he produced some important works in the fields of astronomy and mathematics. In 1570, he came to Istanbul from Cairo, and one year later (1571-2) was appointed Chief Astronomer (Munajjimbashi) on the death of the Chief Astronomer Mustafa b. Ali al-Muwaqqit. Taqi al-Din maintained close relationships with many important members of the ulemā (scholars) and statesmen, chief among whom was Hoca Sādeddin, and was presented to Sultan Murad by the Grand Vizier Sokullu Mehmed Pasha.[xlvi]

Taqi al-Din informed Sultan Murad, who had an interest in astronomy and astrology, that the Ulug Beg's Astronomical Tables contained certain observational errors, resulting in errors in the calculations based on those tables. Taqi al-Din indicated that these errors could be corrected if new observations were made and proposed that an observatory be built in Istanbul for that purpose. Sultan Murad was very pleased to be the patron of the first observatory in Istanbul and asked that construction begin immediately. He also provided all the financial assistance required for the project. In the meantime, Taqi al-Din pursued his studies at the Galata Tower, and continued them in 1577, at the partially completed new observatory called Dār al-Rasad al-Jadīd (the New Observatory).

The observatory, consisting of two separate buildings, one large and one small, was constructed at a location in the higher part of Tophane in Istanbul. Taqi al-Din had the instruments used in the old Islamic observatories reproduced with great care. In addition, he invented some new instruments, which were used for observational purposes for the first time. The observatory had a staff of sixteen people: eight “observers” (rāsid), four clerks, and four assistants.[xlvii]

The observatory was designed to provide for the needs of the astronomers and included a library largely consisting of books on astronomy and mathematics. This institution was conceived as one of the largest observatories in the Islamic world and was completed in 1579. It was comparable to Tycho Brahe’s (1546-1601) Uranienborg observatory built in 1576.[xlviii] In addition, there is a striking similarity between the instruments of Tycho Brahe and those of Taqi al-Din but those of Taqi al-Din were of superior quality.[xlix] When compared with those of his contemporary Danish astronomer, Taqi al-Din’s observations are more precise.

In Taqi al-Din’s astronomical tables, called the Sidratu Muntaha’l-Afkār fī Malakut al-Falak al-Davvār (Lotus of Culmination of Thoughts in the Kingdom of Rotating Spheres), Taqi al-Din states that he started astronomical activities in Istanbul with 15 assistants in 1573.[l] The observatory continued to function until 22 January 1580, the date of its destruction. Religious arguments were put forth to justify this action, but it was really rooted in certain internal political struggles.[li]

IV.2. New observational instruments of Taqi al-Din

Taqi al-Din invented new observational instruments that were added to those already in use for observation in the Islamic world. Among the instruments invented by Taqi al-Din in the observatory were the following:

- The Sextant
 (mushabbaha bi-'l manātiq): used to measure the distances between the stars. Taqi al-Din's mushabbaha bi'l manātiq and Tycho Brahe's sextant should be considered among the great achievements of the 16th century astronomy. A mushabbaha bi-l manātiq is composed of three rulers. Two of them are attached as the rulers of the triquetrum. An arc is attached to the end of one of the rulers. Taqi al-Din made this instrument to observe the radius of Venus that was mentioned in the Xth book of the Almagest.[lii]

- The instrument with cords
 (Dhāt al-awtar): designates the spring and autumn equinoxes. Some astronomers set up a ring, which was not divided, parallel to the equator to designate this. The instrument was composed of a base in the form of a rectangle and four columns. The two columns were set on this base so that a string was stretched between them. One of them was equal to the cosine of the latitude of the country and the other to the sine. A hole was made on each of these parts according to this proportion. A rope was hung from these holes with a plumb.[liii]

- The astronomical clock
: Taqi al-Din used a mechanical clock, which he made himself for his observations, and a wooden wall dial, which he set up in the observatory. He wrote in
 The Astronomical Instruments for the Emperor's Table: "The ninth instrument is an astronomical clock. The following statement is recorded from Ptolemy: ‘I would have been able to establish a great regularity in method if I was able to measure the time precisely.’ Now Taqi al-Din planned, with the help of God, the astronomical clock by the command of the Sultan, God perpetuates his ruling days. Thus, he was able to do what Ptolemy had failed to do." Taqi al-Din says in Sidrat al-muntahā: “we built a mechanical clock with a dial showing the hours, minutes and seconds and we divided every minute into five seconds.” This is a more precise clock than clocks used previously and is, as a result, considered to be one of the most important 16th century developments in applied astronomy.[liv]

When we compare the instruments which Taqi al-Din used in his observatory with those used by Tycho Brahe, they are mostly similar, but some of Taqi al-Din’s are larger and more precise. Both, for example, used a mural quadrant (Libna) for the observations of the declinations of the sun and the stars. It is said that Taqi al-Din preferred the mural quadrant to the Fakhri sextant (Suds-i Fakhrī) and two rings used by previous astronomers. Taqi al-Din’s quadrant was composed of two brass quadrants with a radius of six meters; it was placed on a wall and erected on the meridian. Tycho Brahe's similar instrument was only two meters in diameter.[lv]

In his work, Taqi al-Din integrated two traditions of astronomy, those of Damascus and Samarkand. His first task at the observatory was to correct the Zīj book (Astronomical Table) of Ulugh Beg. He also undertook various observations of eclipses of the sun and the moon. The comet that was present in the skies of Istanbul for one month during September 1578 was observed day and night and the results of the observations were presented to the sultan. As a result of the new methods he developed and the equipment he invented, Taqi al-Din was able to approach his observations in an innovative way and produce novel solutions to astronomical problems. He also substituted the use of a decimally based system for a sexagesimal one and prepared trigonometric tables based on decimal fractions. He determined the ecliptic degree as 23º 28' 40", which is very close to the current value of 23º 27'. He used a new method in calculating solar parameters. He determined that the magnitude of the annual movement of the sun’s apogee was 63 seconds. Considering that the value known today is 61 seconds, the method he used appears to have been more precise than that of Copernicus (24 seconds) and Tycho Brahe (45 seconds). Taqi al-Din also wrote the first Ottoman book on automatic machines, titled el-Turuq al-Saniyya fi’l-ālāt al-rûhāniyya.[lvi]

The observatory was witness to a great deal of activity within a short period of time. Observations undertaken there were collected in the above mentioned treatise Sidratu Muntaha’l-Afkār fī Malakut al-Falak al-Davvār.

IV.3. Mustafa bin Ali Al-Muwaqqit

Mustafa b. Ali al-Muwaqqit al-Salīmī was another essential Ottoman polymath scholar.[lvii] He was well-known in the second half of the16th century as an astronomer, mathematician, geographer, clock-maker (sa’atji) and muwaqqit (timekeeper). He made valuable contributions in the fields of astronomy and geography, producing many books of which those on making and using astronomical instruments are particularly important. These books were used as textbooks in madrasas, and some of them were copied until the middle of the 19th century.

He was initially timekeeper at the Yavuz Selim Mosque in Istanbul and later became the Chief Astronomer (munajjimbashi) for ten years. He took astronomy courses and became muwaqqit at the Sultan Selim Mosque Muwaqqithana. He wrote most of his works while holding this post. He invented a new instrument for astronomical observation called the “rub-i āfākī” (horizontal quadrant).

There are 24 works which are definitely known to have been written by him; three in Arabic, the rest is in Turkish. By writing in the Turkish language about astronomical matters, he was aiming to make astronomical works accessible in this language who was becoming the scientific language of the Ottoman Empire. He also produced new and original solutions to astronomical problems. Therefore, his ideas became widely diffused among astronomers, muwaqqits and other educated people. In particular, his book explaining astronomical instruments was very popular among those interested in astronomy. In addition to astronomy, he also wrote three treatises of geography: Hallu Dā’irati Mu’addil al-Nahār, I’lam al-‘Ibād fī A’lām al-Bilād I’lām al-‘Ibād fī A’lām al-Bilād and Kifayāt al-Wakt li Ma’rifat al-Dā’ir wa Fazlihī wa al-Samt.[lviii]

V. Geography

As in the field of astronomy, the Ottomans continued the classical tradition in the field of geography. The Ottomans needed geographical knowledge in order to determine the borders of their continuously expanding territory and to establish control over military and commercial activities. They made use of both the geographical works of previous Muslim geographers and works of European origin. By adding their own observations, Ottoman geographers also produced original material.[lix] The Samarkand school of geography and astronomy provided the primary sources for the Ottoman’s knowledge of geography, map-making and related fields. From the 16th
 century onwards, Pīrī Reis, Matrakci Nasuh, Saydī Ali Celebi and other scholars produced noteworthy geographical works.

V.1. P

The most prominent Ottoman geographer
 is Muhiddin Pīrī Reīs (d. 962 A.H./1554 C.E.) who also produced original works in the fields of marine geography and navigation at the court of Selim I and Suleyman the Magnificent. He was interested in the science of cartography and completed a map of the world in 1513 C.E. This map is part of the large scale world map prepared in two parts on a gazellehide, of which only the western part is preserved. It was drawn based on both his rich and detailed drafts and European maps, including Columbus’ map of America. This was the first Ottoman map which included preliminary information about the New World depicts southwestern Europe, northwestern Africa, southeastern and Central America. The map has the shape of a “portland” type of map which does not contain latitudinal and longitudinal lines, but includes coastlines and islands and serves to familiarize one with the various regions of the world.

 Reīs also drew a second world map in 1528 C.E. which he presented to Süleyman the Magnificent. Only the portion depicting the western hemisphere survives. It is in colour and has ornamental figures on the margins with explanatory notes. The extant portion shows the northern part of the Atlantic Ocean and the newly discovered regions of North and Central America. It shows four wind roses and the Tropic of Cancer, which was not shown in his first map of the world, appears on this map. The scales used in the second map are larger than the first. The drawing of the coastlines shows a great improvement in technique and also bears a close resemblance to the modern conception of these areas. The stony and rocky sections are given special care.

Pīrī Reis also wrote a book
 on marine geography entitled Kitāb-i Bahriye (Book of the Sea, 1521). In this work, he presents drawings and maps of the cities on the Mediterranean and Aegean coasts, and gives extensive information about navigation and nautical astronomy. The book contains 209 chapters with 215 maps, charts and pictures to give exact account of the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, along with a description of the seas. Basically the book is a kind of guide to navigation and is based on his personal observations. He gathered together all previousinformation on the subject but added to it other practical knowledge necessary for sailors on the most important coastal routes, and drew large maps for every chapter. In this way, the book became not only a simple guide book, but also the greatest Ottoman contemporary portolano with the most advanced cartography techniques.

V.2. Seyd
ī Ali Reis

Another outstanding personality was the Ottoman admiral, geographer, astronomer and poet Seydī ‘Ali Reis (also as known Kātibī or Kātib-i Rûmī) (d. 1562), who was an expert on marine geography.[lx] He wrote books on geography, mathematics and astronomy which show his scientific and navigational experience and knowledge. His works, written in Turkish, are chiefly translations from Persian or Arabic and deal with mathematics, astronomy and navigation in the Indian Ocean. Some of his works have been translated into many languages. In addition to geography, he also wrote books on mathematics and astronomy. He wrote a very valuable work in Turkish, entitled Kitāb al-Muhīt fī ‘ilm al-aflāk wa al-Abhur well-known as al-Muhīt (The Ocean) containing the astronomical and geographical information required for long sea voyages as well as his own observations about the Indian Ocean. After his travelogue, this is Saydī ‘Ali's most famous work, and is based on Arabic works dealing with navigation in the Indian Ocean. The al-Muhīt consists of 10 sections and of Portuguese voyages of discovery, including Magellan's circumnavigation of the globe.[lxi] Saydī ‘Ali's account enhances the reputation of the Ottoman sultan among his co-religionists everywhere he travelled, and demonstrates the universality of the Turkish element and the effectiveness of Ottoman Turkish soldiers, who were in demand at every court.

In addition to this geographical work, he also wrote treatises on astronomy. The first of which is Mir’āt-i kāināt (Mirror of the Universe), a treatise on astronomical measurements and instruments, chiefly applicable to the art of navigation by celestial observation. This has been translated into many languages. His second book on astronomy is Hulāsat al-hay’a (Essence of Astronomy), a treatise on geometry and mathematics containing a translation of ‘Ali Qushji’s al-Fathiyya fī al-Hay’a, enriched with excerpts from Chaghmīnī and Kadizade-i Rumī. His other books on astronomy are: Risala-i Dhāt al-Qursī a treatise about astronomy and some astronomical instruments; Risala-i mir’at-i kā’inat min alāt-i irtifa’ which is called the Mirror of the Universe according to instruments for measuring altitude. His other works are: Risala-yi hay’at (Treatise on Astronomy); Sayahat-nāma-yi asturlab rub’ mujayyab ‘amal bi’l-jayb muqantarāt da’ira al-mu’addal dhāt al-kursī (Book of travel on the astrolabe, sine Quadrant, Equatorial Circle, and the Instrument with a Throne); Risala-i Da’irat al-Mu’addil;[lxii] Risala-i Asturlab and Risala-i Rub’i Mujayyab.

Another significant Ottoman polymath scholar was Matrakci Nasûh b. Karagöz al-Bosnawī al-Silahī.[lxiii] He was renowned in the 16th century as a mathematician, historian, geographer, cartographer, topographer, musketeer, and was an outstanding soldier, calligrapher and engineer. He made contributions in the fields of geography, mathematics, history, military art and calligraphy and produced important books. He also invented a military lawn game called “Matrak”. Matrakçi Nasuh was an important figure in the field of descriptive geography. His first important book Bayān-i Manāzil-i Safar Iraqayn (Explanation of encamping places of two expeditions of Iraq) was in Turkish.[lxiv] His miniatures showing the roads connecting Istanbul, Tabriz and Baghdad are like maps. His history of the 1534-36 campaign to Iran and Iraq[lxv] includes a double folio depicting Istanbul with all the contemporary structures of the city shown in remarkable detail.[lxvi] The Golden Horn runs vertically in the centre, separating the Galata section with its famous tower (on the left) from the city proper (on the right), which includes such major structures as the Topkapı Palace, Hagia Sophia, At Meydanı (Hippodrome), Grand Bazaar, Old Palace, and the complex (kulliya) of Mehmed II. A major document for the study of Istanbul in the 1530’s, the illustration is an example of the topographic genre of painting initiated by Nasuh that continued for centuries.

Matrakçı’s land maps are considered equal with Pīrī Reis’ portland maritime maps to be found in his Kitāb-i Bahriye.[lxvii] Two other works of Matrakçi containing miniatures are important from a geographical perspective. In one called Ta’rikh-i Fath-i Shiklos wa Estergon wa Istolnibelgrad, Matrakçi drew the inns between Istanbul and Budapest as well as the cities of Nice, Toulon and Marseilles during Barbaros’ visits and the Ottoman fleet with which he came.[lxviii]

As a member of the administration, Nasuh accompanied Suleyman the Magnificent on various campaigns and carefully recorded the events and illustrated the cities and ports conquered by the Ottomans. He participated in the Mohaç campaign (1526) and the two Baghdad expeditions of Suleyman. He painted the picture of every city where the army was billeted or passed by.[lxix]

Another work of the 16th
 century in the field of geography, which contains information about the geographical discoveries and the New World (America), is the book entitled Tārih-i Hind-i Garbī (History of the West Indies) (probably written by Muhammad b. Amir al-Suûdī al-Niksarī (d. 1591) in the 16th century).[lxx] This work, based on Spanish and Italian geographical sources, was presented to Sultan Murād III in 1573. It is important in showing that the Ottomans knew about the geographical discoveries of the West. The work has three parts; but the real weight, consisting of two-thirds of the book, is in the third section where Columbus’ discovery of America and the European conquests over the period of sixty years between 1492 and 1552 are related. Tarih-i Hind-i Garbī tells the amazing stories of the explorations and conquests of Columbus, Cortes, Pizarro, and others, and it also endeavours to incorporate the new geographic information into the body of Islamic knowledge. It presents a major effort by an Ottoman Muslim scholar, almost unique in the 16th century; firstly, to transmit through translation information from one culture (European Christendom) to another (Ottoman Islam), and secondly, to correct and expand Islamic geography and cartography.[lxxi]

In the Topkapi Palace Museum Library (Hazine 644), Istanbul, there is an Atlas entitled “Ali Macar Reis Atlas”. The atlas consists of six portolan charts and one mappamundi, all on double pages, i.e., there are fourteen pages.[lxxii] They are drawn on parchment leaves and bound in leather, forming an appealing small volume.[lxxiii] As a work of art, this atlas certainly ranks among the most successful. The artist-cartographer who drew these charts must have been professionally connected to those who drew other similar maps in Christian Europe; and the artistic perfection of this atlas strongly argues against it being the isolated work of a captain who would only have been imitating such models; the author must have been a craftsman with great experience of this type of work.

Cartography seems to have been organized as a profession in the Ottoman Empire; for example, in the 17th
 century, fifteen individuals were occupied with the art of surveying, in eight locations in Istanbul and nearby areas.

Ottoman geographers were able to obtain information about both West and East at a time when there were no maps of the East available in Europe. This indicates that the Ottomans were more advanced in this area than had previously been thought.

Ottoman contributions to geography including cartography are very
 significant, vast, in content and have a definite place in the history of geography. It is also true that while the Arabs mostly influenced the Turks they did not follow them slavishly. Ottoman geographers especially cartographers made some very significant contributions and they may be said to have formed a bridge between medieval Islamic and modern cartography.

VI. Conclusion

Ottoman contributions to Science and Technology during a six hundred year rule over a huge domain are beyond measure. The above is merely a brief outline of some of the Ottoman scientific activities and related institutions that brought about the revival of culture, science, and learning in civilizations throughout the world. Many excellent works exist that can guide future researchers interested in this subject. Opportunities for further study abound, as the examples presented in this paper could certainly be extended to cover a larger percentage of the vast contributions the Ottomans made over six hundred years. The classical scientific tradition that produced its finest works in the most magnificent period of the Empire was set forth in the scientific and educational institutions that have been briefly mentioned, in the scholarly circles established, and developed around these institutions. Still, the Ottoman classical tradition was preserved during this second phase of Ottoman science, when many more translations and transfers were made from European languages, and survived with some of its basic elements until the second half of the 19th

Dr Salim Ayduz is giving a course this October on An Introduction to Ottoman Science & Technology:

[i] Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, “Ottoman Educational and Scholarly-Scientific Institutions,” in vol. 2 of History of the Ottoman State, Society and Civilisation, ed. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2002), pp. 361-512.
[ii] Halil Inalcik, “Ottoman Methods of Conquest”, in The Ottoman Empire: conquest, organization and economy, (London: Variorum, 1978), pp. 104-129.
[iii] Salim Aydüz, Tophâne-i Âmire ve Top Döküm Teknolojisi, (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2006), pp. 114-191.
[iv] Cevat İzgi, Osmanlı Medreselerinde İlim, (İstanbul, İz Yayıncılık, 1998), vol I, pp. 224-226.
[v] For ilm life in the formative period look Arif Bey, "Devlet-i Osmaniye'nin teessüs ve takarrürü devrinde ilim ve ulema [Ilm and Ulema in the formation and development of the Ottoman State]," Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Mecmuası 2 (1913), pp. 137-144; İ. H. Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devletinin İlmiye Teşkilatı (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1965), pp. 227-241; Şahabettin Tekindağ, “Medrese Dönemi,” Cumhuriyetin 50. Yılında İstanbul Üniversitesi(1973), pp. 3–4; Halil İnalcık, “Learning, The Medrese and the Ulema,” in The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300-1600 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973), pp. 165-178; Mustafa Bilge, İlk Osmanlı Medreseleri (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1984), pp. 5-64; Cahid Baltacı, XV-XVI. asırlarda Osmanlı medreseleri: Teşkilat, tarih (İstanbul: İrfan Matbaası, 1976), various pages.
[vi] “Fatih reign is not only a turning point in terms of madrasa organization but also in terms of perspective or approach. In the famous law regarding organization and protocol there were provisions about ulema for the first time. In addition, a clear-cut differentiation was made between ilmiye, seyfiye and kalemiye occupations, with some preferences with regard to origins, educational backgrounds and formations of the youngsters that would serve in those fields.” Mehmet Ipsirli, “The Ottoman Ulema”, The Great Ottoman-Turkish Civilisation (ed. Kemal Cicek), (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye, 2002), v. III, pp. 339-347.
[vii] Further information see: Ahmet Süheyl Ünver, İstanbul Üniversitesi Tarihine Başlangıç Fatih, Külliyesi ve Zamanı İlim Hayatı (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi, 1946), pp. 99-157; Fahri Unan, Fatih Külliyesi: Kuruluşundan Günümüze (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2003), various pages.
[viii] Franz Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror and his Time, trans. Ralph Manheim, ed. William C. Hickman (Princeton: Princeton University, 1978), pp. 246-247.
[ix] Muhyiddin Muhammed Karabaği, Ta'lika ala Şerhi Tehafüti'l-Felasife li-Hocazade, ed. Abdurrahim Güzel (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı, 1991), pp. 1-14.
[x] George N. Vlahakis et al., “Science in the Ottoman World,” Imperialism and Science (Denver: ABC-CLIO, 2006), p. 73.
[xi] Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and others, Osmanlı Astronomi Literatürü Tarihi, vol. 1 (İstanbul: IRCICA, 1997), pp. 27–38.
[xii] Ahmet Süheyl Ünver, Türk Pozitif İlimler Tarihinden Bir Bahis Ali Kuşçi, Hayatı ve Eserleri, (İstanbul: Kenan Matbaası, 1948), pp. 9-68; George Saliba, "al-Qushjis Reform of the Ptolemaic Model for Mercury,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 3 (1993): pp. 161–203; B.A. Rosenfeld and Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Mathematicians, Astronomers and Other Scholars of Islamic Civilisation and their works (7th-19th c.) (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2003), pp. 285–287.
[xiii] Salim Aydüz, “Uluğ Bey Zici’nin Osmanlı Astronomi Çalışmalarındaki Yeri ve Önemi,” Bilig 25 (Spring 2003), pp. 139-172.
[xiv] İlter Uzel, Amasyalı Hekim ve Cerrah Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin: (1385- 1470?) (Amasya: Amasya Valiliği, 2004), pp. 21-75.
[xv] G. Veinstein, “Suleyman,” The Encyclopaedia of Islam. CD-ROM Edition v. 1.0, 1999 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands; Ali Haydar Bayat, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Tıp Eğitimi,” Osmanlılarda Sağlık I, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz and Necdet Yılmaz (İstanbul: Biofarma, 2006), pp. 237–246.
[xvi] Nasuh b. Abdullah Matrakçı Nasuh, Beyan-ı Menazil-i Sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sultan Süleyman Han, ed. Hüseyin G. Yurdaydın (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1976), pp. 31-114.
[xvii] Salim Aydüz, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Müneccimbaşılık Müessesesi,” TTK Belleten, no. 257 (Nisan 2006), Ankara, pp. 167-272.
[xviii] Salim Aydüz, “İstanbul’da Zamanın Nabzını Tutan Mekanlar,” Istanbul 51 (September 2004), pp. 92-98.
[xix] Arslan Terzioglu, “Bîmâristan,” Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi 6 (İstanbul 1992), pp. 173–178.
[xx] Arslan Terzioglu, "Die Architektonischen Merkmale der Seldschukischen, Mamelukischen, und Osmanischen Krankenhäuser und ihre Einflüsse auf die Abendländischen Hospitäler,” Fifth International Congress of Turkish Art, ed. G. Feher, (Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1978), pp. 837–856; Aydin Sayili, “Certain Aspects of Medical Instruction in Medieval Islam and Its Influences on Europe,” Belleten vol. 45, no. 178 (1981), pp. 9–21; Aydin Sayili, “Central Asian Contributions to the Earlier Phases of Hospital Building Activity in Islam,” Erdem 7 (January 1987), pp. 149–161.
[xxi] Arslan Terzioglu, “Bîmâristan,” Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi 6 (İstanbul 1992), pp. 173–178.
[xxii] Aykut Kazancıgil, Osmanlılarda Bilim ve Teknoloji (İstanbul: Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Vakfı, 1999), pp. 110–115.
[xxiii] Ratıp Kazancıgil, Edirne Sultan II. Bayezid Külliyesi (Edirne: Trakya Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü Yayınları, 1997), p. 54; Özge Gençel, “Müzikle Tedavi,” Kastomonu Eğitim Dergisi 14, no. 2 (September 2006), pp. 697–706.
[xxiv] Ahmet Süheyl Ünver, “Süleymaniye Külliyesinde Darüşşifa, Tıp Medresesi ve Darülakakire dair (1557–1555) 965–963,” Vakıflar Dergisi, 2 (1942), pp. 195–196; Ö. L. Barkan, “Süleymaniye Camii ve İmareti Tesislerine Ait Yıllık Bir Muhasebe Bilânçosu, 993–994 (1585–1586),” Vakıflar Dergisi 9 (1971), pp. 109–161: 47–50; Mebrure Değer, “Süleymaniye Darüşşifası ve Tıp Medresesi” I. Türk Tıp Tarihi Kongresi (İstanbul, l7-l9 Şubat l988) Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler (Ankara: Atatürk Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1992), 189–192; Yasin Yılmaz, “Süleymaniye Dârüşşifası ve Tıp Medresesi,” Osmanlılarda Sağlık I, pp. 285–298.
[xxv] Gülru Necipoglu-Kafadar, “The Süleymaniye Complex in Istanbul: An Interpretation,” Muqarnas 3 (1985), pp. 92–117.
[xxvi] Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatnâme I, ed. O. Ş. Gökyay (İstanbul, 1996), p. 65; Uzunçarşılı, İlmiye Teşkilâtı, pp. 34-35.
[xxvii] Seyyid Lokman, Hünernâme, Topkapı Palace Museum Library, Hazine no. 1524, fol. 284b-286b; Ünver, “Süleymaniye Külliyesinde,” p. 199.
[xxviii] For the deeds of the foundation of the Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa, see Süleymaniye Vakfiyesi, ed. Kemal Edib Kürkcüoglu (Ankara: Vakıflar Umum Müdürlüğü, 1962), pp. 32-33.
[xxix] İzgi, Op. Cit., pp. 24-26.
[xxx] Nil Sarı, “Teaching Medical History” (paper presented at the 36th International Congress on the History of Medicine, Tunis, Tunisia, September 6–11, l998), Actes-Proceedings, Tunis: 1998, pp. 385-386.
[xxxi] Ö. L. Barkan. “Süleymaniye Camii ve Imareti Tesislerine Ait Yıllık Bir Muhasebe Bilancosu, 993–994 (1585–1586),” VD 9 (1971), pp. 109–161.
[xxxii] The deed of foundation explains the compulsory conditions for the instructor with this sentence: They should be intelligent, have strong senses, be logical, educated well on medicine, Plato of the time, Aristotle of age, he should have the reviving effect of Jesus, like Galen, selected between physicians, careful about students who wish to learn medicine, and follow the rules of medicine, who continue medical lessons and will be given 20 akças per day.Süleymaniye Vakfiyesi (Ankara: K. E. Kürkçüoğlu, 1962), pp. 32-33.
[xxxiii] Peçuylu, Tarih I (İstanbul 1866), p. 462.
[xxxiv] Ünver, “Süleymaniye Külliyesinde”, pp. 200-203.
[xxxv] A. Adnan Adıvar, Osmanlı Türklerinde İlim (İstanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1970), p. 144. Tuncay Zorlu found 19 names who were the Muderris at the Medical Madrasa from the beginning until the end. Tuncay Zorlu, “Süleymaniye Tıp Medresesi I,” Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları, ed. F. Gunergun 3, no. 2 (2002) pp. 79–123.
[xxxvi] Topkapi Palace Museum Archive, D 8228.
[xxxvii] Bilge, op. cit., pp. 5-64.
[xxxviii] Ali Haydar Bayat, Osmanlı Devleti’nde Hekimbaşılık Kurumu ve Hekimbaşılar (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi, 1999), pp. 3-17; Ünver, “Süleymaniye Külliyesinde,” p. 199.
[xxxix] Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and Mustafa Kaçar, “Aynı Münasebetle İki Nutuk: Sultan II Mahmud’un Mekteb-i Tıbbiye Ziyaretinde İrad Ettiği Nutkun Hangisi Doğrudur?” Tarih ve Toplum, no. 83 (Kasim 1990), pp. 44–48; Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and Feza Günergun, “Tip Egitimin Türkcelesmesi Meselesinde Bazi Tespitler,” Türk Tip Tarihi Yilligi= Acta Turcica Historiae Medicinae. I. Uluslararasi Tip Tarihi ve Deontoloji Kongresine Sunulan Tip Tarihi ile İlgili Bildiriler, ed. Arslan Terzioglu (İstanbul, 1994), pp. 127–134.
[xl] Ünver, “Süleymaniye Külliyesinde”, pp. 200–202.
[xli] Abbé Toderini, De La Littérature des Turcs, vol. I (Paris 1789), pp. 119–129.
[xlii] Aykut Kazancıgil, Osmanlılarda Bilim ve Teknoloji (İstanbul: Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Vakfı, 1999), pp. 120–122.
[xliii] Osman Turan, İstanbul’un Fethinden Önce Yazılmış Tarihî Takvimler (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1984), pp. 1-12.
[xliv] Salim Ayduz, “Uluğ Bey Zici’nin Osmanlı Astronomi Çalışmalarındaki Yeri ve Önemi” Bilig, Ankara (Spring 2003), issue 25, pp. 139-172.
[xlv] Al-Hassani, Salim, and Al-Lawati, Mohammed A., The Six Cylinder Water Pump of Taqī al-Dīn. Source:
[xlvi] J. H. Mordtmann, “Das Observatorium des Taqi ed-din zu Pera,” Der Islam vol. 12 (1913), p. 93; Ramazan Şeşen, "Meşhur Osmanlı Astronomu Takiyüddin El-Râsıd'ın Soyu Üzerine,” Erdem 4, issue 10 (1988), pp. 165-171; İzgi, Op. cit., vol 1, pp. 301-302, 327, 192; vol. 2, pp. 128-132; Salim Aydüz, “Takiyüddin Râsıd,” Yaşamları ve Yapıtlarıyla Osmanlılar Ansiklopedisi, vol. 1 (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1999): 603-605. See for Taqi Al-Din’s list of manuscripts and related works: Aydüz, Salim, “Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Ma’rūf: A Bio-Bibliographical Essay”. Source:
[xlvii] Ahmet Süheyl Ünver, İstanbul Rasathânesi (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1986), pp. 43-47.
[xlviii] J. L. E. Dreyer, Tycho Brahe: A Picture of Scientific Life and Work in the Sixteenth Century (New York/London: Dover Publications/Constable, 1963), pp. 88-113.
[xlix] Sevim Tekeli, “Nasiruddin, Takiyüddin ve Tycho Brahe’nin Rasat Aletlerinin Mukayesesi,” Ankara Üniversitesi, Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 16, no. 3-4 (1958), pp. 224-259.
[l] Topkapi Palace Museum Library, MS Hazine no. 465/1. In addition, look: Sevim Tekeli, “Trigonometry in Two Sixteenth Century Works; The De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium and the Sidra al-Muntaha,” History of Oriental Astronomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 209-214.
[li] Sevim Tekeli, “İstanbul Rasathânesinin Araçları,” Araştırma 11 (1979), pp. 29-44; S. Tekeli, “Takiyüddin’de Kiriş 2˚ ve Sin 1˚ nin Hesabı,” Araştırma 3 (1965), pp. 123-127; S. Tekeli, “Takiyüddin’in Delos Problemi ile ilgili Çalışmaları,” Araştırma 6 (1968), pp. 1-9; S. Tekeli, “Takiyüddin’in Sidret ül-müntehasında Aletler Bahsi,” Belleten 30, no. 98 (1961), pp. 213-227.
[lii] Sevim Tekeli, “Astronomical Instruments for the Zîj of Emperor,” Arastirma 1 (1963), pp. 86-97.
[liii] Ibid.
[liv] Aydin Sayılı, The Observatory in Islam (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1991), pp. 289–305; Aydin Sayılı, “Alauddin Mansur'un İstanbul Rasathânesi Hakkındaki Şiirleri,” TTK Belleten 20, no. 79 (1956), pp. 414, 466.
[lv] Sevim Tekeli, “Meçhul bir yazarın İstanbul Rasathesi Aletlerinin Tasvirini veren: Alat-ı Rasadiye li Zic-i Şehinşahiye Adlı Eseri,” Araştırma 1 (1963), pp. 12–71.
[lvi] Egypt, Cairo National Library, falak no. 3845, miqat no. 557/4.
[lvii] He was also known as “Müneccimbaşı Mustafa Çelebi” and “Koca Saatçı”.
[lviii] Yavuz Unat, “Mustafa Ibn Ali el-Muvakkît ve İ’lâm el-‘İbâd fî A’lâm el-Bilâd (Şehirler Aleminde Mesafelerin Bildirimi) Adlı Risalesi”, EJOS, VII, (2004), No. 10, pp. 1-47.
[lix] History of Geographical Literature During the Ottoman Period, Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu and others, (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2000), I-XV.
[lx] For more information about his life and works see: A. Adnan Adivar, Osmanli Turklerinde Ilim. (Ankara: Remzi Kitabevi, 1970), pp. 85-89; Mahmut Ak, “Saydī ‘Ali Reis”, Yasamlari ve Yapitlariyla Osmanlilar Ansiklopedisi, (Istanbul: Yapi Kredi Kultur Yayinlari, 1999), II, pp. 525-527; Bursali Mehmed Tahir, Osmanli Muellifleri, (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Amire, 1923), III, 270-272; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf al-Zunun ‘an isama al-kutub wa’l-funun, (Ankara: Milli Egitim Bakanligi, 1941), I, 807; History of Astronomical Literature during the Ottoman Period, By. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and others, (Istanbul: Research Center for Islamic History, Art and culture, 1997), I, 140-145; History of Geographical Literature during the Ottoman Period, By. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and others, (Istanbul: Research Center for Islamic History, Art and culture, 2000), I, 35-38; Cevat Izgi, Osmanli Medreselerinde Ilim, (Istanbul: Iz Yayincilik, 1997), I, 344, 388, 394, 449, 450; II, 256, 257; Mehmed Sureyya, Sijill-i Osmani, (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Amire, 1308), II, 498-499; Boris A. Rosenfeld and Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Mathematicians, Astronomers and other Scholars of Islamic Civilisation and their Works (7th -19th c.), (Istanbul: Research Center for Islamic History, Art and culture, 2003), pp. 325-326, No. 977; Svat Soucek, “Sidi ‘Ali Reis. (Saydī ‘Ali Reis)”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, CD-ROM Edition 1999, Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands; Serefeddin Turan, “Saydī ‘Ali Reis”, Islam Ansiklopedisi, (Ankara: Milli Egitim Bakanligi, 1966), X, 528-531.
[lxi] M. Bittner, “Die topographischen Capital des indischen Seespiegels, Mohit", Festschrift 1897; Comprehensive (Book) on the Science of Heavens and Seas (al-Muhīt fi ‘ilm al-aflak wa’l-abhur), Naples, Vienna 1277; Gabriel, Ferrand. L’amiral Sidi ‘Ali et le Muhit. Introduction à l’astronomie nautique Arabe. Paris 1936; Mir'at al-mamalik. The travels and adventures of the Turkish Admiral Sidi ‘Ali Reis in India, Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Persia, during the years 1553-1556. Trans. by. A. Vambéry. London: Luzac, 1899; Mir'atu'l-Memalik: Inceleme, metin, indeks, Saydī ‘Ali Reis. Published by Mehmet Kiremit. Ankara: Turk Dil Kurumu, 1999; Saydī ‘Ali Rais. Mir’atul mamolik (Mamlakatlar kuzgusi). By. S. Zumnunab. Tashkent, 1963; Saydī ‘Ali Reis, Mir’at al-Mamalik. By Ahmad Jawdat Pasha. Istanbul: Ikdam Matbaasi, 1313 (1895); Sidi Rais. Die topographische Capitel des indischen Seespiegel Mohit. Übers. Von M. Bittner, mit einer Einleitung von W. Tomaschek. Wien, 1897.
[lxii] William Brice, Colin Imber and Richard Lorch, The Da’ire-yi Mu’addel of Saydī ‘Ali Re’is, Seminar on Early Islamic Science, Monograph No. 1. Manchester: The University of Manchester, 1976.
[lxiii] Thomas D Goodrich, “Old Maps in the Library of Topkapi Palace in Istanbul”, Imago Mundi, vol. 45, (1993), pp. 120-133; Oleg Grabar, “An Exhibition of High Ottoman Art”. Muqarnas, vol. 6 (1989), pp. 1-11; History of Geography Literature during the Ottoman Period. Edited by Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu et al., (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2000), I, 42-45; History of Mathematical Literature during the Ottoman Period, Edited by Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu et al., (Istanbul: IRCICA, 1999), I, 68-73; History of Military Art and Science Literature During the Ottoman Period. Edited by. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu et al., (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2004), I, 10-11; Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “The Ottoman Scientific-Scholarly Literature”, In History of the Ottoman State, Society and Civilization, II, (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2002), pp. 543, 567-568;, Norman J. Johnston, “The Urban World of the Matraki Manuscript”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, vol. 30, No. 3, (July 1971), pp. 159-176; Mahir, Banu-İhsan Fazlıoğlu, “Nasuh (Matrakçı)”, Yaşamları ve Yapıtlarıyla Osmanlılar Ansiklopedisi. Istanbul: YKB, 1999, II, 350-351; Matrakçi Nasuh Bey b. Abdulah (Karagöz) al-Silahi, Beyân-i Menâzil-i Sefer-i Irakeyn-i sultan süleyman han. Published by H. G. Yurdaydın. Ankara, 1976; H. G. Yurdaydın, “An Ottoman Historian of the XVIth Century: Nasuh al-Matrakî and his Beyân-i Menâzil-i Sefer-i ‘Irakeynand its Importance for some Iraki Cities", Turcica, vii (1975), pp. 179-87; same author, “Matrakçı Nasuh’un Minyatürlü iki yeni eseri”. Atti II. Congree İnternational Acta Turca, Venezia, 1963, (Venedik, 1965), pp. 283-286; same author, “Matrakçi”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden: Brill, CD version, 2001; same author, Matrakçı Nasuh. Ankara, 1963.
[lxiv] Nasuh b. Abdullah Matrakçı Nasuh, Beyan-ı Menazil-i Sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sultan Süleyman Han, ed. Hüseyin G. Yurdaydın (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1976).
[lxv] Franz Taeschner, “The Itinerary of the First Persian Campaign of Sultan Süleyman, 1534-36, According to Nasuh al-Matraki”, Imago Mundi, vol. 13 (1956), pp. 53-55.
[lxvi] S. Soucek, “Islamic Charting in the Mediterranean”, in The History of Cartography: Cartography in the Traditional Islamic and South Asian Societies, edited by J. B. Harley and David Woodward, (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1992), pp. 235-253.
[lxvii] Thomas D. Goodrich, “Old Maps in the Library of Topkapi Palace in Istanbul”, Imago Mundi, vol. 45. (1993), pp. 120-133.
[lxviii] Norman J. Johnston, “The Urban World of the Matraki Manuscript”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, vol. 30, No. 3. (July 1971), pp. 159-176.
[lxix] Turkish history institution (Türk Tarih Kurumu) published the city paintings he made during the expedition (edited and published by H. G. Yurdaydin, in 1976).
[lxx] This manuscript is stored at the Beyazit Library, MS 4696.
[lxxi] This book published as facsimile by Cultural Ministry of Turkey: Muhammed b. Emir el-Hasan Sudi, Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi veya Hadis-i Nev: A History of the Discovery of America, (İstanbul: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı, 1987).Thomas D. Goodrich, The Ottoman Turks and the New World: A Study of Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi and Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Americana, Near and Middle East monographs, new series, vol. 3, (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1990), pp. 1-3.
[lxxii] On the page 4b there is one note about the author. It is a short sentence in Arabic along the right hard margin of the page, in the area of the Atlantic along the western coast of Spain; the approximate translation: ‘The Humble Ali Macar wrote it with the aid of the Lord of Decision (i.e., God) in the month of Safar, year 975’, i.e., between August 7 and September 4, 1567. No other chart or atlas made by him is known. The first impression thus might be that an Ottoman seaman made this atlas on the basis of his maritime experience. And despite the date given of 1567, there is minor yet significant evidence that he drew this atlas before 1542; for on 6a, Scotland is separated from England by a channel which disappeared from Italian charts after that year.
[lxxiii] S. Soucek, “The ‘Ali Macar Reis Atlas’ and The Deniz Kitabi: Their Place in the Genre of Portolan Charts and Atlases”, Imago Mundi. A Review of Early Cartography, N. 25 (1971), pp. 17-27; K. Özdemir, Ottoman Nautical Charts and the Atlas of Ali Macar Reis, A Marmara publication, (Istanbul: Creative YayIıncılık ve Tanıtım, 1992).
[lxxiv] New Encyclopedia of Islam, vol. IV, p. 1082; N. Akmal Ayyubi, Turkish Contributions to Islamic Geography”, Erdem, vol IX, 26 (Ankara 2002) pp. 483-489.