NOTA: FAHAM ASWJ & CABARAN TERHADAPNYA OLEH SYIAH, SALAFI WAHABI, ISLAM, LIBERAL.... DR. SUDUT AKIDAH & PEMIKIRAN

FAHAM AHLI SUNNAH WALJAMAAH & CABARAN TERHADAPNYA OLEH SYIAH, SALAFI WAHABI, ISLAM, LIBERAL....  DR SUDUT AKIDAH & PEMIKIRAN 

ž  Akidah berasal dari bahasa arab iaitu daripada perkataan Al-‘Aqdu bererti: ikatan dan simpulan yang kuat juga bererti pegangan, ketetapan dan kepercayaan. (Ibnu Manzur:Lisan al-Arab) 

ž  Istilah syaraknya adalah beriman dengan kepercayaan teguh dalam hati kepada Allah, ketuhananNya, keesaanNya, kesempurnaan yang layak bagiNya, kesucian dari penyerupaan makhlukNya dan beriman dengan para malaikatNya, kitab-kitabNya, para utusannya (Nabi&Rasul), hari akhirat dan beriman dengan (qadr) ketentuan pada makhluk sama ada baik ataupun buruk.

Nama ilmu aqidah iaitu:

ž  1- Tauhid,

ž  2- Iman,

ž  3- Usuluddin,

ž   4- Ilmu Kalam dan

ž  5- Fiqhul Akbar

ž  Akidah – Simpulan Iman

ž  Ahli – Kumpulan/pengikut/pendokong

ž  Sunnah – Jalan nabi, perbuatan, perkataan, sifat ,taqrirnya

ž  Waljamaah – Org ramai dr klgn sahabt,tabiin,ulama warasah

MAKSUD ‘ASWJ’

ž  Ertinya: “Sesungguhnya Bani Israil telah berpecah kepada 72 golongan dan umatku akan berpecah kepada 73 golongan, semuanya masuk neraka kecuali satu golongan sahaja. Para sahabat bertanya: Siapakah golongan yang satu itu wahai Rasulullah? Nabi s.a.w menjawab: Yang satu itu ialah orang yang berpegang dengan peganganku dan pegangan sahabat-sahabatku”.

Riwayat al-Tirmidhi

ž  Ertinya: “Demi Tuhan yang memegang jiwa Muhammad dengan kekuasaan-Nya, umatku akan berpecah kepada 73 golongan, maka satu golongan sahaja akan masuk syurga manakala 72 golongan lagi masuk neraka. Para sahabat bertanya: Siapakah golongan yang masuk syurga itu wahai Rasulullah? Nabi s.a.w menjawab: Ahli Sunnah wal Jama’ah”.

Riwayat al-Tabrani

SALAF & KHALAF

ž  Salaf – Tidak mentakwil secara tafsili tetapi secara ijmali mensucikan Allah dari menyerupai makhluk.

ž  Khalaf – menerima takwil secara tafsili serta mensucikan Allah daripada menyamai makhluk

Imam al-Baghdadi Rahimahullah(w.429H) memperincikan LAPAN (8) golongan yang termasuk dalam Ahli Sunnah wal Jamaah

ž  Akidah Tauhid

ž  Beriman Allah & Nubuwwah

ž  Ahli Hadis

ž  Ahli Sufi

ž  Ahli Qiraat/Al-Quran

ž  Ahli bahsa

ž  Mereka yg pertahankn & keselamatan orang ramai

ž  Org awam yg ikut & tidak ikut doktrin ajaran sesat

ž  Seseorang bertanya:  “Wahai Muhammad, beritahu kepadaku tentang Islam.” Jawab Rasulullah SAW: “Islam itu bahawa sesungguhnya engkau naik saksi, Tiada Tuhan melainkan Allah dan sebenarnya Nabi Muhammad itu Pesuruh Allah, engkau mendirikan solat, engkau tunai zakat, engkau berpuasa Ramadhan dan engkau berhaji di Baitullah seandainya engkau berkemampuan menuju ke Baitullah.” Kata si penyoal: “Benar katamu.” Maka kami hairan tentang diri penyoal itu, dia bertanya dan yang membenarkan [jawapan yang Nabi Muhammad SAW berikan itu].”

Kata si penyoal: “Maka, beritahu kepadaku tentang iman ?” Jawab Rasulullah SAW: “bahawa sesungguhnya engkau beriman dengan Allah, para malaikat-Nya, kitab-kitab-Nya, rasul-rasul-Nya, hari Akhirat dan engkau beriman dengan Qadar, baiknya dan buruknya.” Jawab si penyoal: “Benar katamu.”

Kata si penyoal: “Maka, beritahu kepadaku tentang Ihsan ?” Jawab Rasulullah SAW: “bahawa sesungguhnya engkau sembah Allah seolah-olah engkau benar-benar melihat-Nya, seandainya engkau tidak melihat-Nya maka sesungguhnya Dia melihatmu.”

Kata penyoal: “Maka, beritahu kepadaku tentang saat Qiamat ? ” Jawab Rasulullah SAW: “Apakah orang yang ditanya lebih mengetahui daripada orang yang bertanya. ??!!” Lelaki itu berkata: “Maka, beritahu kepadaku tentang tanda-tanda hari qiamat ?” Jawab Nabi Muhammad SAW: “Bila hamba perempuan melahirkan majikannya dan bahawa engkau lihat orang-orang miskin papa, tidak beralas kaki, telanjang, mengembala kambing, menjadi kaya raya dan berlumba-lumba memperindah bangunan.”

Kemudian Rasulullah r bertanya: “Wahai Umar, Adakah engkau kenal siapakah yang bertanya tadi ?” Aku berkata: “Allah dan rasul-Nya lebih mengetahui (tentang siapakah dia).” Jawab Rasulullah SAW: “(Seandainya engkau mahu tahu), maka sebenarnya orang itu ialah malaikat Jibril a.s., dia datang kepada kamu, mengajar agama kepada kamu.”

GOLONGAN AHLI SUNNAH WAL JAMAAH

•      Memahami al-Quran dan Sunnah dengan kefahaman yang sebenar berpaksikan kepada tiga komponen utama dalam ajaran Islam. Ijma’ ulama’ bersepakat dari segi Aqidah, (manhaj al-Ash’ari dan al-Maturidi) Syariah, empat mazhab fiqh yang muktabar iaitu (Hanafi, Maliki, Syafi’i atau Hanbali). Tasawwuf pula, manhaj Imam Junaid,Imam al-Ghazali  atau mana-mana tariqat Sufi yang muktabar.

PANDUAN UMUM DAN CIRI-CIRI/ PERKARA BERKAITAN ASWJ 

•      Ilahiyyat

•      Nabawiyyat

•      Samiyyat

METHODOLOGI AHLI SUNNAH WA AL-JAMAAH

ž  Mendahulu dan mengutamakan nas al-Qur’an dan al-Sunnah terhadap sesuatu yang lain

ž  Menetapkan hakikat dan segala keilmuan sebagai pengertian yang ada pada ulamak

ž  Mentafsirkan al-Qur’an dengan al-Qur’an, al-Sunnah dengan al-Sunnah atau secara perkaitan antara keduanya

ž  Mengutamakan pendapat sahabat dan tabi’in

ž  Menggunapakai kaedah Ijmak Ulamak

ž  Mengambil kira kaedah bahasa arab dan penggunaan uslubnya

ž  Mentaghlibkan kearah Tanzih dan Taqdis ke atas ayat-ayat yang zahirnya menunjukkan penyerupaan dan kesamaan sifat-sifat Allah dengan sifat-sifat makhluk.

ž  Mempunyai kaedah/cara bagi beramal dengan fiqh,tasawuf

ASWJ kekuatan/kelebihan

ž  Wasatiyyah – Literal dan Rasional

ž  Sawad al_Akzam (Sesungguhnya umatku tak akansekata dlm perkara sesat, apabila kamu melihat perbezaan pendapat maka hendaklahkamu bersama kumpulan terbesar (kalangan ulama)

ž  Pendekatan bermazhab

ž  Tasawuf (roh Islam)

Keperluan berpegang dengan akidah Ahli Sunnah Wal-Jamaah ialah :

—  Memenuhi tuntutan al-Qur’an dan al-Sunnah dalam mengikuti kebenaran.

—  Ahlu Sunnah Wa al-Jamaah merupakan pegangan dominan atau fahaman majoriti ummat Islam (al-Sawad al-A`zham).

—  Menjamin keseragaman dalam memahami, menyelaras dan menangani isu-isu agama.

—  Membolehkan kita memahami ancaman terhadap fahaman Ahli Sunnah Wal-Jamaah. Samada ancaman yang bersifat dalaman mahupun luaran.

—  Mewujudkan kestabilan dan keharmonian dalam sesebuah Negara. Seterusnya menjadi asas dalam perkembangan tamadun.

—  Percaya kepada sesuatu perkara merupakan fitrah semulajadi manusia. Kepercayaan terhadap sesuatu membentuk pemahaman, menghasilkan pegangan dan diperhaluskan dengan tindakan. Justeru, berpegang dengan kebenaran merupakan nilai tabi’ii bagi manusia

—  Penyelarasan dalam menangai isu-isu umat Islam sememangnya diperlukan bagi menyeragamkan pengurusan agama Islam di Negara kita supaya menjadi padu dibawah pegangan yang satu. Status ini memberikan kita kekuatan dalam menghadapi globalisasi pemikiran-pemikiran songsang yang sentiasa mengancam kesucian Islam.

—  Metodologi Ahli Sunnah yang jelas memudahkan kita memahami pegangan atau fahaman yang menjadi ancaman terhadap pegangan murni kita selama ini.

—  Berasaskan kepada Ahli Sunnah Wa al-Jamaah sebagai satu tanda arasyang kukuh membolehkan isu-isu agama diselesaikan secara bijaksana. Hal ini memberi ruang kepada pemimpin, ulamak dan rakyat untuk membina penguasaan ilmu dan kelurusan ilmu sebagai loncatan untuk membina tamadun.

Berikut ialah 20 sifat yang wajib dan 20 sifat yang mustahil bagi Allah Taala:

ž  (وجود); ertinya ada, lawannya tiada (عدم).

ž  (القدم); ertinya sediakala, lawannya baharu (الحدوث).

ž  (البقاء); ertinya kekal, lawannya binasa (الفناء).

ž  (مخالفته للحوادث); ertinya berbeza Allah dari segala yang baharu, lawannya menyamai Allah dengan yang baharu (مماثلته للحوادث).

ž  (قيامه بنفسه); ertinya berdiri dengan sendiri-Nya, lawannya berhajat (الاحتياج والافتقار).

ž  (وحدانية); ertinya ertinya Maha Esa, lawannya berbilang (التعدد).

ž  (القدرة); ertinya Maha Berkuasa, lawannya lemah (العجز).

ž  (الارادة); ertinya Maha Berkehendak, lawannya terpaksa (الكره).

ž  (علم); ertinya ilmu, lawannya jahil (جهل).

ž  (حياة); ertinya Maha Hidup, lawannya mati (موت).

ž  (السمع); ertinya Maha Mendengar, lawannya pekak (الصمم).

ž  (البصر); ertinya Maha Melihat, lawannya buta (العمى).

ž  (الكلام); ertinya Maha Berkata-kata, lawannya bisu, gagap (البكم).

ž  (كونه قادرا); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan berkuasa, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan lemah (كونه عاجزا) .

ž  (كونه مريدا); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan menghendaki, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan terpaksa (كونه مكرها).

ž  (كونه عالما); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan mengetahui, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan jahil (كونه جاهلا).

ž  (كونه حيا); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan hidup, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan mati (كونه ميتا).

ž  (كونه سميعا); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan mendengar, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan pekak (كونه أصم).

ž  (كونه بصيرا); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan melihat, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan buta (كونه أعمى).

ž  (كونه متكلما); ertinya Allah tetap selalu dalam keadaan berkata-kata, lawannya sentiasa dalam keadaan bisu (كونه أبكم).

Muqtadayat al-Uluhiyyah atau ketuhanan ini mempunyai empat kriteria / sifat iaitu:

ž  i) السبق : لا أول له فهو الأول بلا ابتداء

ž  yang bererti sediakala / mendahului, Yang Maha Awal tanpa permulaan.

ž  ii) الاطلاق : لا حدود له

ž  yang bererti tidak terbatas sama ada dari segi masa, zaman, tempat, fikiran, ilmu manusia dan sebagainya.

ž  iii) الذاتية : لا معلم له ولا ممد له

ž  yang bererti Maha Kaya, tidak berhajat kepada sesuatu bahkan selain-Nya yang berhajat kepada-Nya sebagaimana diibaratkan di dalam kitab-kitab tauhid ."الافتقار اليه كل ما عداه واستغناؤه عن كل ما سواه“

ž  iv) السرمدية : لا نهاية له فهو الآخر بلا انتهاء

ž  yang bererti berkekalan, Yang Maha Akhir tanpa pengakhiran.

Perkara Rosakkan Akidah (Awhal Tauhid)

ž  i) الحلول : أن يدعى أحد أن الله قد حل فيه أو فى أي من خلقه

ž  ertinya mendakwa bahawa Allah memasuki dirinya atau diri sesuatu. Contohnya seperti air yang dimasukkan ke dalam gelas.

ž  ii) الاتحاد : أن يدعى أحد أن الله قد اتحد معه أو مع أي من خلقه فينشأ كيان جديد يعبد من دون الله على أنه ابن الله

ž  ertinya mendakwa bahawa Allah bersatu dengannya atau dengan sesuatu yang lain. Contohnya seperti air yang bercampur dengan gula lalu menjadi air gula.

ž  iii) التشبيه : أن يدعى أحد أن الله يشبهه أو يشبه أي من خلقه فيعبد على أنه يشبه الله

ž  ertinya mendakwa bahawa Allah menyerupainya atau menyerupai mana-mana makhluk-Nya. Contohnya seperti mentajsimkan Allah dengan mengatakan Allah mempunyai tangan, jari, duduk bersila dan sebagainya.

ž  iv) التعطيل : أن يدعى أحد أن الله يفعل كل شئ بذاته العلية معطلا بذالك فعل الأسماء والصفات

ž  ertinya mendakwa bahawa Allah melakukan sesuatu dengan zat-Nya dan mengabaikan perbuatan bagi Asma’ dan Sifat-Nya. Hakikatnya Allah berbuat sesuatu dengan Asma’ dan Sifat-Nya dan kedua-duanya adalah memberi bekas.

TOKOH-TOKOH ASWJ

ž  Imam Abu al-Hassan Ali b Ismail al-Asyaari (324)

ž  Imam Abu Mansur al-Maturidi (333)

ž  Imam al-Tahawi

ž  Imam al-Ghazali

ž  Imam as-Sanusi

ž  Imam al-Shafei

ž  Sheikh Ahmad ar-Rifaei

ž  Sheikh Abd. Qadir al-Jilani

ž  Sheikh Abu al-Hassan as-Syazuli

ž  Sheikh Ibrahim ad-Dusuqi

ž  Sheikh Daud al-Fathani

ž  Sheikh Abd Samad al-Palembani

ž  Sheikh Ahmad al-Fathani

KARYA-KARYA ASWJ

ž  Risalah tauhid

ž  Al-Ibanah

ž  Ihyaa’ Ulumuddin

ž  Faridah alfaraid

ž  Jauharah Tauhid

ž  Risalah al-^Aqidah al-Tahawiyyah karya al-Imam Abu Ja^far al-Tahawi (w. 321 H),

ž  Kitab al-^Aqidah al-Nasafiyyah karangan al-Imam ^Umar al-Nasafi (w. 537 H),

ž  Al-^Aqidah al-Murshidah karangan Ibnu Tumart

Al-^Aqidah al-Salahiyyah

Permasalahan

ž  1.      Nassun Sahih wa Fahmun Khati’ Linassin Sahih (Tidak Tepatnya Pemahaman terhadap Teks)

ž  2.      Ihtikam Ligair Arbab al-Huda > (Memohon Petunjuk Kepada yang Bukan Ahlinya)

ž  Ta’mim al-Khass (umum yg. khusus)

ž  Giyab Madlulat al-Alfaz (Hilangnya Makna Tiap Kata)

•      Tiada Pengetahuan /

•      Gagal Memahami Ancaman

•      Tidak/Kurang Sensitiviti Isu Umat

•      Kurang Pendedahan

•      Kelewatan Penguatkuasaan

•      Tindakan Tidak Bersepadu

MAKNA AJARAN SESAT 

•      Suatu Pengajaran atau Amalan yang dibawa  oleh orang Islam atau bukan Islam yang mendakwa ianya berdasarkan kepada ajaran Islam atau ianya tidak berlawanan dengan ajaran Islam tetapi sebenarnya amalan tersebut adalah berlawanan dengan Akidah dan Syariah Islam berdasarkan al-Quran dan as-Sunnah (Jakim).

•      Syeikh Abdullah Fahim :Sedutan Wasiat Buat Melayu

•       

Beratus-ratus tahun bangsa Melayu seMalaya ini bermazhab (feqah) dengan al-Imam asy-Syafi`i ijma`an, usuluddin atas perjalanan Abil Hasan al-Asy`ari dan tasawwuf atas perjalanan al-Imam al-Ghazali. Sekarang sudah timbul mazhab Khawarij yakni mazhab yang keluar dari mazhab 4 mazhab Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama`ah. Maksud mereka itu hendak mengelirukan faham awam yang sebati dan hendak merobohkan pakatan bangsa Melayu yang jati. Siapa yang datang kepada kamu dan menyuruh kamu semua supaya taat kepada seorang lelaki tertentu tujuannya untuk memecahkan persatuan kamu dan menghancurkan kesatuan kamu maka bunuhlah akan dia.

LANGKAH PEMERKASAAN ASWJ

•      Pemantapan Akidah,Fiqh ,Tasawuf

•      Pendidikan dan tarbiah

•      Penyemarkkan melalui Media (cetak,Siber,Audio/ Visual)

•      Undang-Undang

•      Jaringan dan Hubungan Institusi

MAKNA/ASAL USUL SYIAH

ž  Abdullah b. Sabaa’ (Zaman Saidina Osman al-Affan)

ž  Dakwaan wasiat nabi SAW

Isu politik-isu agama

Klafikasi Syiah

ž  Syiah Sabaiyyah : Abdullah b Sabaa’

ž  Syiah Kaisaniyyah: Mukhtar b Uabi Ubaid as-Saqafi

ž  Syiah Imamiyyah(Ja’fariyyah): Imam 12

ž  Syiah Ismailiyyah: 7 Imam

ž  Syiah Zaidiyyah: Imam Zaid b Ali b Husin b Ali b Abi Talib

PANDUAN UMUM DAN CIRI-CIRI/ PERKARA BERKAITAN SYIAH

ž  Imam Adalah Maksum

ž  Menambah Syahadah

ž  Kemunculan Imam Mahadi Bersama Orang Yang Telah Mati

ž  Ar-Raj’ah: Kebangkitan sebelum kiamat untuk menerima pembalasan.

ž  Al-Bada’: Allah tidak mengetahui sesuatu perkara sehinggalah perkara itu berlaku. Dalam ertikata lain menisbahkan jahil kepada Allah ta’ala

ž  Takfir Sahabat

ž  Wasiat Khilafah kepada Saidina Ali k.w. Syi’ah menganggap sahabat2 adalah perampas khilafah daripada Ali r.a. yang dilantik oleh Nabi s.a.w. di Ghadir Khum.

ž  al-Taqqiyah Menghalalkan bohong, nifak, hipokrit atas nama agama dan menamakannya taqiyyah dan menjadikannya  sebagai amalan utama dalam kehidupan mereka.

ž  Imam-imam kekal dan tidak binasa.

ž  Imam-imam mengetahui segala perkara termasuk perkara ghaib.

ž  Syi’ah memberikan sifat khusus kenabian kepada imam-imam mereka

ž  Kedudukan imam-imam lebih tinggi dari kedudukan para nabi dan malaikat

ž  Menyanjung Saidina Ali Secara Keterlaluan

ž  Menghina Isteri-Isteri Nabi. Syi’ah menghina, mengkafirkan dan melaknat isteri2 Nabi s.a.w. terutamanya Sayyidah ‘Aaisyah,Sayyidah Hafsah r.a.

ž  Menghalalkan Nikah Mut’ah

ž  Sahabat2 Nabi saw murtad kecuali beberapa orang sahaja. Mereka adalah manusia paling jahat di atas muka bumi. Sahabat yg paling dibenci Syi’ah ialah sahabat yg paling berjaya meluaskan ajaran Islam iaitu Saidina Umar dan banyak meriwayatkan hadith iaitu Saidina Abu Hurairah.

ž  Menolak Hadis Yang Diriwayatkan oleh Ahli Sunnah Wal Jamaah Sekalipun Hadis Mutawatir

ž  Menyeksa Tubuh Badan Sempena 10 Muharam

ž  Mengharuskan Jama’ Sembahyang Dalam Semua Keadaan

Menolak Ijmak Ulama’

ž  Akidah syirik Syi’ah berpunca daripada akidah al-Imamah wal-walayah yang terdapat di dalam rukun Islam mereka:

ž  “Islam ditegakkan di atas 5 perkara; sembahyang, zakat, puasa, haji dan walayah. Tidak ada satu pun daripada rukun2 tersebut yang diseru sebagaimana seruan yang diberikan kepada al-Walayah. Lalu manusia mengambil ke-empat2nya dan meninggalkan yang ini, iaitu walayah.”

ž  Al-Quran yang ada sekarang telah ditokok tambah isi kandungannya dan telah diselewengkan oleh golongan sahabat.

Pandangan Syi’ah Terhadap Aswj:

ž  Nabi saw kononnya bersabda: "Imam2 setelahku 12 orang, yang pertama Saidina Ali bin Abi Talib a.s. dan yang terakhir al-Qaim. Ketaatan kepada mereka seperti ketaatan kepadaku. Menderhakai mereka sama seperti menderhakaiku. Sesiapa mengingkari salah seorg dari mereka sesungguhnya telah mengingkariku.“ al-Majlisi Bihar al-Anwar jil. 27, hal. 61

TOKOH-TOKOH SYIAH

ž  Khomeini

ž  Khamenei

ž  Muthahhari

ž  Mulla Sadr

ž  Muhammad Hussein Thabathaba’I

ž  Jalaluddin Rachmat

ž  Haidar Baqir

KARYA-KARYA SYIAH

ž  Sumber Rujukan Utama Syiah

ž  1) “al-Usul Min Al-Kafi” karangan Muhammad bin Ya’qub bin Ishaq Al-Kulaini, ulama Syiah terbesar       di zamannya. Dalam kitab itu terdapat 16199 hadis.

ž  2) “Man Laa Yahdhuruhul Faqih” karangan Muhammad bin Babawaih al- Qumi. Terdapat di dalamnya 3913 hadis musnad dan 1050 hadis mursal.

ž  3) “At-Tahdzib“. Kitab fiqh ini dikarang oleh Muhammad

ž  4) “Al-Istibshar“, oleh pengarang yang sama, mencakup 5001 hadis.

Imam 12

1. `Ali bin Abi Talib (wafat 40 H)
2. Hasan bin `Ali (wafat 50 H)
3. Husain bin `Ali (wafat 61 H)
4. `Ali Zainal `Abidin bin Husain (wafat 94 H)
5. Muhammad al-Baqir bin `Ali Zainal `Abidin (wafat 117 H)
6. Ja`far as-Sadiq bin Muhammad al-Baqir (wafat 148 H)
7. Musa al-Kazim bin Ja`far as-Sadiq (wafat 183 H)
8. `Ali ar-Ridha bin Musa Kazim (wafat 202 H)
9. Muhammad al-Jawaad bin `Ali ar-Ridha (wafat 220 H)
10. `Ali bin Muhammad al-Jawaad (wafat 254 H)
11. Hasan bin `Ali al-`Askari (wafat 260 H)
12. Muhammad bin Hasan al-`Askari al-Mahdi (ghaib 260 H)

MAKNA/ASAL USUL WAHABI

•      Sejarah kemuncu  Al-Wahabiyyah ialah satu fahaman atau aliran pemikiran yang dinisbahkan kepada pengasasnya syeikh Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahab (115H/1703-1206H/1792).

•      Pendokong kepada Ibn Taimiah dan Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyyah bahkan lebih syadid

PANDUAN UMUM DAN CIRI-CIRI/ PERKARA BERKAITAN WAHABI

ž  Tuhan Bertempat Di Arash/Langit

ž  Tashbih Dan Tajsim

ž  Menolak Sifat 20

ž  Menolak Mazhab Fiqh (Anti Mazhab)

ž  Salahfaham/ Menghukum Bid’ah/Syirik/Kufur

ž  Tawasul Syirik

ž  Sambutan Maulid Bid’ah Dholalah

ž  Mendakwa berpegang al-Quran dan Sunnah

ž  Mendakwa mengikut Manhaj Salafi (salafussoleh)

ž  Meneruskan fahaman pemecahan Tauhid kepada 3 bahagian

ž  Bergerak aktif dengan isu syirik-mensyirik, kafir-mengkafir

ž  Mempromosi ayat mutasyabihat secara meluas

ž   Menyerang golongan tasawuf/tarekat

ž  Isu Takfir

ž  Takwil dianggap tahrif

ž  Tafwid dianggap Ta’til

Orang kafir ada Tauhid?

ž  Tauhid ini ada 2 jenis, kata mereka iaitu:

ž  1. Tauhid Rububiyah iaitu tauhidnya orang kafir dan tauhidnya orang musyrik yang menyembah berhala, atau dengan kata lainnya “Tauhid” orang yang syirik.

ž  2. Tauhid Uluhiyah iaitu tauhidnya orang Mukmin, tauhidnya orang Islam serupa iman dan Islamnya. Baginya ibadat langsung terus kepada Allah tanpa tawasul

TOKOH-TOKOH WAHABI

ž  Ibnu Taimiah

ž  Ibnu Qayyim

ž  Abu Bakar  Al-Jazair

ž  Abdul Aziz Bin Baz

ž  Nasrudin Al-Albani

ž  Solleh Fauzan

ž  Solleh al-Uthamain

ž  Rasul Dahri

ž  Ismail Lutfi

ž  Ibn al-Alusi (1202-1317)

ž  Abd al-Rahman al-Mua’llimiy (1313-1386)

ž  Al-Qanuji : Sidq Hassan al-Khan

ž  Hamad b Nasr b Uthman al-Najdi

ž  Ahmad Ibrahim al-Najdi

ž  Jamaluddin al-Qasimi al-Dimasyqi

ž  Muhd khalil Harras al-Masri

ž  Abd Razzaq Afifi Ahmad Syakir al-Masri

ž  Zuhair Syawisy

ž  Muhd Nasib al-Rifa’I

ž  Mahmud Mahdi Istanbuli

ž  Hamud al-Tuwaijri

ž  Hamad al-Ansari

ž  Abdullah bin Sa’di al-Ghamidiy

ž  Muhd Jamil Zainu

ž  Dr Umar Sulaiman Asyqar

ž  Furaih bin Soleh al-Bahlul

ž  Salim al-Hilali

ž  Marwan alQaisi

ž  Syeikh Abd Qader al-Arnawuth

KEPUTUSAN JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN MENGENAI FAHAMAN AL-WAHHABIYYAH

KEPUTUSAN JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN MENGENAI FAHAMAN AL-WAHHABIYYAH
KERAJAAN MALAYSIA SECARA RASMINYA MENOLAK DAN MENYEKAT AJARAN AL-WAHHABIYAH BERDASARKAN:

1- MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN KALI KE-12 PADA TAHUN 1985,

2- MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN KALI KE-14 PADA TAHUN 1985,

3- MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN KALI KE-16 PADA TAHUN 1986,

4- MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN KALI KE-40 PADA TAHUN 1996,

5- MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN KALI KE-42 PADA TAHUN 1997,

6- MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA KEBANGSAAN KALI KE-44 PADA TAHUN 1998,

7- MESYUARAT PANEL KAJIAN AQIDAH JAKIM KALI KE-14 PADA TAHUN 2000,

8- MESYUARAT PANEL KAJIAN AQIDAH JAKIM KALI KE-20 PADA TAHUN 2002,

9- MESYUARAT PANEL KAJIAN AQIDAH JAKIM KALI KE-23 PADA TAHUN 2003.

KEPUTUSAN MENYEKAT AJARAN AL-WAHHABIYAH DIAMBIL KERANA AJARAN INI TIDAK BERSESUAIAN DENGAN PENDEKATAN ISLAM DI MALAYSIA SERTA DIKHUATIRI IANYA MENGGUGAT PERPADUAN UMAT.

MAKNA/ASAL USUL ISLAM LIBERAL

ž  Neo-Muktazilah

ž  Liberalism- asal dari bahasa Latin ‘liber’ maknanya bebas dan merdeka.

ž  Islam liberal diperkenalkan oleh buku “Liberal Islam : A Source Book” yang ditulis oleh Charles Kuzman (London, Oxford University Press, 1988) dan buku “Islamic Liberalism : A Critique of Development Ideologies ” yang ditulis oleh Leonard Binder (Chicago,University of Chicago Press, 1998).

PANDUAN UMUM DAN CIRI-CIRI/ PERKARA BERKAITAN ISLAM LIBERAL

ž  Pluralisme Agama.

ž  Kebebasan mentafsirkan teks-teks agama Islam.

ž  Penolakan Autoriti Keagamaan

ž  Menilai semua hadis-hadis Rasulullah SAW.

ž  Menilai semula hukum feqah

ž  Rasionalisme dan sekularisme

ž  Pembebasan wanita

FOKUS ISLAM LIBERAL

ž  1.Liberalisasi bidang akidah dengan penyebaran faham pluralisme agama.

ž  2. Liberalisasi bidang syariah dengan melakukan perubahan metodologi ijtihad.

ž  3. Liberalisasi konsep wahyu dengan melakukan dekonstruksi terhadap al-Quran. (Adian Husaini, Liberalisasi Islam di Indonesia, 2006, m.s.11)

ž  Pendekatan         ‘Golongan Islam Liberal tidak menzahirkan diri mereka sebagai orang yang menolak  agama, tetapi berselindung di sebalik gagasan mengkaji semula agama, mentafsir semula al-Quran, menilai semula syariat dan hukum-hukum fikah’

TOKOH-TOKOH LIBERAL

ž  Nicholas Madjid (CaK Nur)

ž  M. Lutfi Shaukani

ž  Qasim  Amin

ž  Muhammad  Arkoun

ž  Ali Abdul Raziq

ž  Ashgar Ali Engineer

ž  Djohan Efendi

ž  Ulilabsar Abdallah

ž  Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid

ž  Hassan Hanafi

ž  Harun Nasution

ž  Fazlur Rahman

KARYA-KARYA ISLIB

PENDEDAHAN STRATEGIK

ž  RAND Corporation.The RAND adalah singkatan kepada “Research and Development”

ž  : “Civil Democratic Islam: Partners, Resources, and Strategies”. Oleh Cheryl Bernard,2003

ž  “Building Moderate Muslim Networks” oleh Cheryl Bernard,

FATWA BERKAITAN UNSUR
LIBERAL & PLURALISME

ž  FATWA KALIMAH ALLAH 82/2008

ž  FATWA YOGA - 83/2008

ž  FATWA MENGANJURKAN BUKAN ISLAM SUPAYA BERDOA MENGIKUT CARA MASING2 - 74/2006

ž  FATWA VALENTINE’S DAY – 71/2005

ž  FATWA CANDLELIGHT VIGIL - 88/2009

ž  MUZAKARAH JAWATANKUASA FATWA MAJLIS KEBANGSAAN BAGI HAL EHWAL UGAMA ISLAM MALAYSIA YANG BERSIDANG BUAT KALI KE 74 PADA 25-27 JULAI 2006 YANG LALU TELAH MEMUTUSKAN PEMIKIRAN ISLAM LIBERAL ADALAH SESAT DAN MENYELEWENG DARIPADA SYARIAT ISLAM.

SUMBER SOKONGAN

•      SYIAH

•      WAHABI

•      I.LIBERAL

•      BARAT & ….

•      Konrad Adenauer Foundation

•      RAND

•      Asia Foundation

•      Ford Foundation

•      Institut Kajian Dasar

•      Jaringan Islam Liberal

•      Sisters In Islam

•      Oxfam Novib

•      Global Fund for Women,

•       The Sigrid Rausing Trust

•      Hivos

Sekian, terima kasih.

Susunan:

Rizhan el-Rodi

Rescuing History from the Orientalists

Rescuing History from the Orientalists: Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas and Islam in the Malay World

By: Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied

Islam and the process of Islamization in the Malay World have received wide attention from scholars in Asia and elsewhere. Varying – and sometimes conflicting – interpretations have been presented and aired, and the points of contention are on issues pertaining to the question of origins and influences, as well as the backgrounds of persons and institutions responsible for the spread of Islam in this region, notwithstanding the collateral consequences which flowed from the shift in religious affiliations among the Malays. To this must be added a mention of the unending inquiries into the nature and validity of evidence available. Tainted by myths and legends, indigenous sources have been subjected to critical scrutiny and seen as too unreliable to be used to reconstruct the history of the conversion to Islam. It has been argued that one way to overcome this limitation is to turn to alternative European, Chinese and Arabian accounts of developments in the Malay world, for they provide us with a supposedly more dependable depiction of events and happenings and the circumstances that resulted from the rapid spread of Islam in the Malay world.

The Malaysian scholar Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas’ recently published monograph, Historical Fact and Fiction (2011), should be regarded as a major intervention into the debates surrounding the writing of the history of Islamization among the Malays and of the religious transformations of a region which the Malays view as the cradle of their civilization. The book marks a culmination of the author’s decades of engagement on the subject and his efforts at reiterating certain cogent points that have not been deliberated upon at length by contemporary scholars. To readers unfamiliar with Al-Attas’ prodigious scholarship and lifelong commitment to revising the history of Islam in the Malay World, this book might seem out of place. Al-Attas is, after all, a Muslim philosopher whose central interests have always been in the realm of the metaphysics of Islam. If such categorization is not enough to situate Al-Attas within a vocation which he has never claimed as his own, historians and social scientists have been relatively lukewarm (if not outright dismissive) of Al-Attas’ contributions to the historical discipline in general and the historiography of Islam in the Malay World in particular. Mona Abaza and Geog Stauth, for examples, held that Al-Attas is but an “anti-Orientalist Orientalist” or a prodigal son of the very group of elitist European scholars he had sought to demolish. In the same vein, Farish Noor locates Al-Attas, his writings and the ISTAC (Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization) squarely within the Islamization programme sponsored for many decades by the Malaysian state, a programme that coloured Al-Attas’ writings in a manner that over-emphasize the role of Islam in shaping Malay history above and beyond other religions that predated it.[1]

Hyperbolic and, to some extent, apocryphal, these criticisms are well worth considering, for they tell us much about the shifts in the present thinking about the Islamization project in a globalized world than about Al-Attas as a scholar of Islam. And yet, it is important to recognize that Al-Attas’ contributions in widening the frontiers of the history of Islam in Malay world have so far remained unsurpassed by any contemporary local scholar based in the region.[2] This holds true especially of his early works which, as Peter Riddell has perceptively observed, included a wide range of topics covering “Malay Sufism, doctrinal conflict among competing Sufi groups and scholars, and the transmission of Islamic thinking from the Arab World to Malay world.”[3] However, Riddell’s appraisal overlooks the fact that Al-Attas was not only interested in reconstructing and revising substantive issues about Islam in the Malay World. Rather, at the core of his oeuvre is his concern with the ways in which the history of Islam and its believers in Malay world has been approached. Al-Attas was and is still critical of prevailing paradigms and methods of analysis which have failed to portray the history of Islam in early modern Malay world in the most accurate way possible. His entire career has been dedicated to correcting the errors committed by a select group of the Orientalists and their problematic attempts at explaining the venture of Islam in the region. 

Put differently, to understand Al-Attas’ unique contribution to the Malay-Islamic historiography, we must direct our attention to the problems of orientalism which Al-Attas has sought to address. Scholarly deliberations in Malaysia on the challenges posed by orientalism in Malay-Islamic historiography are, of course, not unique to Al-Attas, and are found in the writings of Syed Hussein Alatas, Shamsul Amri Baharuddin and Syed Farid Alatas, to name a few in our time.[4] Be that as it may, a comprehensive survey of Al-Attas’ writings tells us that he clearly stands above his peers in that respect. Since the beginning of his foray into the world of scholarship and up until the publication of his latest book, Historical Fact and Fiction, Al-Attas has been consistent in providing not only critiques of orientalism, but also pathways to transcend it. Although Al-Attas did not dedicate an entire monograph to orientalism as a distinct topic and object of study in its own right, he interwove it into the substance of his writings. In the following pages, I will illuminate and probe into these topics found in Historical Fact and Fiction and the larger corpus of his work to bring to attention a neglected aspect of his contribution to Malay-Islamic historiography.

Biography and Scholarship

Before doing so, it is necessary to mention here that Al-Attas’ intellectual quest is closely related to his early history. He was born in the 1930s at a time that was marked by cataclysmic changes and upheavals in the local and global arenas. European imperialism throughout Asia, Africa, and the Middle East had unleashed the forces of discontent and resistance in the colonies. Entangled with the earnest desire among the non-European peoples to liberate their homelands from the yoke of colonial rule was a pervasive sense of disenchantment with native systems of governance and the conservative rendering of religious beliefs promoted by local imams and the state-sponsored clerics. New idioms of identity and brotherhood were thus invented by secularly-educated intellectuals, religious activists and others who were inspired by calls for Islamic revival and appeals for Pan-Arabic and Pan-African unity. As the world descended into the Great Depression in 1929 (just five years after the abolition of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924), socialism, communism, fascism and social Darwinism became even more deeply intertwined in the language of Muslim reform and ethnic nationalism. Not surprisingly, the currents of thought in the wider Islamic world affected developments in Malay world.  Al-Attas, was then growing up in Bogor, Java, where Arab families had established their reputation as community leaders under Dutch colonial rule. This was an age characterized by the emergence of multiple movements and mass political activity, a time of experimentation and innovation manifested in the form of mass printing and the founding of political organizations, schools and welfare institutions, all of which would shape Al-Attas’ early life and thinking.[5]

Hailing from a family of saints, scholars, wayfarers and warriors whose genealogy could be traced to Hadramaut in Yemen and back to the Holy Prophet Muhammad, Al-Attas received instruction in the rudiments of the Islamic and spiritual sciences early in his life. The fact that Al-Attas’ great-grandfather, Syed Abdullah al-Attas, was a respected religious teacher and leader of a tariqah (mystic order), placed an extra degree of responsibility upon him to be acquainted with the subtleties of the religion and its history. It is obvious that the philosophical as well as scriptural knowledge of Islam nurtured during his formative years became core elements of the epistemological basis of his thinking as a would-be scholar of Islam in Malay world. The training that he later received at McGill University and the School of Oriental and African Studies did much to cement and fortify what he had learnt under the tutelage of his grandfather, in that it informed him of the excesses of the orientalist assumptions and depictions of Islam. He soon sought to remedy such excesses, as clearly shown in his doctoral thesis about the mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri. It would not be excessive to argue that this doctoral thesis laid the essential foundations of almost all of his subsequent writings relating to Islam and the history of Muslims in the Malay world. The purpose of writing about topics related to Islam and Islamic history, to him, is to clarify some mistaken notions about the religion and its missionaries and, at the same time, to address the misperceptions among Muslims about their own pasts. These misperceptions were molded and affected by the colonial and anti-colonial experiences which Al-Attas had witnessed and endured. [6]

The Problem of Orientalism

The problem posed by orientalism lay at the very centre of the Al-Attas’ writings on the history of Islam in the Malay world. Like Edward Said, he saw orientalism as a form of knowledge that essentializes Islam, stripping it of its worldly dynamism as both a faith and a lived experience.[7] The orientalists were responsible for essentializing the history of Islam in the Malay world in ways that would tacitly cast it as a regressive period, or at least, a sterile phase in comparison to those years that preceded and followed it. In the Orientalists’ formulation, the coming of Islam signalled the rapid end of a cultural renaissance among the Malays as evidenced in the destruction of monuments, artworks and relics that were built during the times of the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms. The orientalists also essentialized Islamization in the Malay world by depicting it as merely a veneer overlaying a pre-existing system of beliefs. From this point of view, the conversion of Malays to Islam was historic, but it was neither revolutionary nor disruptive in bringing about a total transformation of the religious beliefs of the Malays. Such essentializing is a lynchpin of orientalism, and it obfuscates the realities and complex nature of Islamization, according to Al-Attas.[8]

Al-Attas however differs from Edward Said in one fundamental way. He does not conceive of orientalism as leading to the material domination of the Orientals through the colonial and postcolonial periods. In other words, Al-Attas does not equate orientalism with colonialism or neo-colonialism per se and does not attribute the orientalists’ jaundiced attitudes to the sense of mission civilisatrice. While orientalist scholars like Snouck Hurgronje and Thomas Stamford Raffles may have employed knowledge in the service of imperialism and as a civilizing and missionizing tool, Al-Attas believes that it is more crucial to recognize that their writings were guided and structured by a secularist worldview (tasawwur) that was an outcome of the “tragic marriage” between a corrupted version of Christianity and the philosophies and cultures of ancient Greece and Rome.[9] The influence and consumption of their writings by both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars has resulted in the secularization of knowledge, thus enabling the conditions for the rise of confusion and the loss of adab, a term defined by Al-Attas as the loss of justice.[10] More crucially, the orientalists’ writings brought about a volte-face in the interpretations of Malay-Islamic history towards a secularist interpretation, an interpretation that assigns more significance to material factors as the driving forces of history than to religious and spiritual factors.

The orientalists also cast doubts over indigenous sources and interpretations relating to Islamization and the growth of Islamic culture. Doubt towards all subjects and knowledge foreign to their own traditions is the starting point of the orientalists’ inquiry and their methods of inculcating doubts were manifold. The most common was that they tended to support each other’s conclusions, thereby creating an aura of authoritativeness that would, in the last analysis, rule out other alternative indigenous postulations and facts. This can be most vividly illustrated in the case of discussions by A. Teeuw’s writings on the origins of Malay sha’ir and H.S Paterson, C. O Blagden and G.W.J. Drewes about the inscriptions on the Trengganu stone.[11] Al-Attas held that the aforementioned scholars’ doubts about the fact that Hamzah Fansuri was indeed the originator of Malay sha’ir and that the dates that were inscribed on the Trengganu stone were defective, developed from their presumption that pre-existing orientalist interpretations were trustworthy, even if they required some minor modifications. One presumption thus led to another and, along with the orientalists’ lack of knowledge of Arabian calligraphy, semantics and the Muslim sciences, the end product was the invention of the idea that indigenous sources are unreliable. To Al-Attas, such doubts are:

“not knowledge – the more so when it is ‘inconclusive’; when acceptance of its belief is based on articulate vagueness pretending to clothe itself in the garb of reasoned ‘general grounds’; when it is led towards the precipitous abyss of falsehood by blind ‘feeling’; when it contradicts itself that there is no reason to doubt and yet still doubts; when in fact it does so not because of the problematic nature of the historical situation, which it invariably makes out as a scapegoat for failure to achieve positive knowledge, but because of the scholar’s own ignorance of the limits of his own knowledge of the subject.”[12]

He highlighted that Drewes, for that matter, had never seen the stone in its physical state and made his theoretical formulations based on his predecessors’ assumptions and through incomplete pictures of the stone made available to him.  

Another problem with problem with orientalism which Al-Attas highlighted is their attempts to decouple and de-emphasize the Arabian-Islamic influences in Malay life and thought. Because the orientalists saw many things through Indic spectacles and regarded developments in the Malay world as largely shaped by influences from India, they refused to acknowledge the roles of other figures and collectives that played an equal or greater role in the making of Islamic communities. The distinct roles of Hadrami Arabs are often neglected in most studies of Islamization, and in the isolated instances where prominent personalities from this social group are mentioned, it is often the case that their ethnic backgrounds are ignored or that their inventiveness is downplayed. Further, the orientalists also drew dichotomies between what they conceived as the “Malay language” as opposed to what was labelled as “foreign”. The Arabian influences upon the Malay language were regarded as corruptions to the Malay language. By doing this, the orientalists sought to downplay the importance of words and terms adopted from the Arabic lexicon into the Malay language and pave the way for the creation of a language that free from Islamic elements.[13]

There is also a prevailing tendency among the orientalists to postdate the crucial events connected to Islam in the Malay world and to construct periods and phases in ways that is in congruent to their biased view of Islamic history. In Al-Attas’ view, dates, periods and phases in history should not be taken for granted because they symbolize a particular way of organizing historical data which have implications on how the present is understood. As the Chinese historian Prasenjit Duara has observed, periods and phases confer “meaning on individual identity.”[14] The orientalists’ dating and periodizing of events often coincide with the propagation of colonialism and Western modernity in the region. Proceeding from that basis, the orientalists argue that Islam would not have made much of impact in the Malay world and that the momentum of its spread would not have been quickened if not for the presence of the Europeans who came to institutionalize their ideas and practice of colonial mercantilism and secular values. In other words, the Europeans and not the Muslim missionaries were vital factors in laying the conditions for Islam to flourish.[15]   

            Finally, Al-Attas underline the orientalists’ inclination to judge Islam in the Malay World and the writings that have been produced by Malay writers based on categories that are familiar to them. The orientalists subscribed to seeing Malay literature as consisting of poems, romance, or epics or folklore meant for mere entertainment. Because of this, they could not discern that these works functioned as missionary texts just as they were a source of relaxation and enjoyment of the listeners. The orientalists greatest failure here was that they were unable to analyze local texts and practices on their own terms and in their true essence.[16]

Transcending Orientalism

Is there a way out of orientalism? Al-Attas’ answer to this vital question that has been repeatedly raised by followers and detractors of Edward Said is not to dwell on a drawn-out critique of orientalism and thereby give significance to the very knowledge that ought to be decentred in the first place. Nor does he claim to “indigenize” or even offer “alternative discourses” to the histories written by the orientalists and their interlocutors. His antidote to orientalism lies instead in transcending the limits of orientalist thought by reconstructing the histories of Islam and Muslims in the Malay world. This requires a few steps and, with these moves, Al-Attas provides us with the means, even if in relatively unelaborated forms, by which the history of Islam in the Malay world could be rescued from the orientalists.  

First, there is a need to understand in clear terms just who the orientalists are and their respective positions in regard to Islam in order to avoid the fallacy of nativist fundamentalism that would lead to unjust attitudes towards useful knowledge and indifference towards writings by persons foreign to one’s culture and origins. On this score, Al-Attas approach is analogous to the medieval Islamic philosopher, Al-Ghazali (1058-1111), whom he held in high regard. Confronted with the challenges of Hellenistic philosophy, Al-Ghazali advocated a middle course between a total rejection and assimilation of the Hellenistic corpus into the study of Islam. In the same vein, Al-Attas did not share the view among many critics that orientalism was a necessarily European phenomenon or that orientalists shared common attitudes towards Islam because they all hailed from Europe or that all of the orientalists findings and arguments are to be rejected. This is the slippery slope of Occidentalism or “Orientalism-in-reverse” that Al-Attas is conscious of. There is nothing ethnic about orientalism except for the fact that the practitioners of that form of knowledge share common epistemological starting points – secularism and the assumption that the Orient is inferior which characterize most but not all Western scholarship. Hence, even a non-European scholar could be regarded as an orientalist if his/her analysis of Malay-Islamic historiography is guided by the predetermined notions and bias against the contributions of Islam and Muslims in the Malay world and the will to secularize Islamic histories. The effacement of vital facts and memories of Islam and Muslims, the excessive scepticism towards indigenous perspectives and sources and the obsession with the exotic, as well as the belief in the regressiveness of the Orientals and the tainting of “theories with settled aversion towards Islam” forms the essential rubrics of the Orientalist endeavour.[17]

Because of this non-racial definition of Orientalism, Al-Attas exhibits a balanced and judicious acceptance of certain aspects of knowledge from the orientalists from Europe and elsewhere. Orientalism is to be rejected and corrected only when its errors get in the way of a true depiction of Malay-Islamic society and history. The works of orientalists must be credited in instances when they exhibit a perceptive and in-depth understanding of the histories of the Islam. For example, Al-Attas acknowledges Van Leur’s famous thesis that “Hinduism, as the Malay-Indonesian practiced it, was a merely a superstructure maintained by a ruling group above an indifferent community.”[18] Other Orientalists for whom he has high regard include Bertold Spuler, Henri Pirenne, Hamilton Gibb, Toshihiko Isuzu, A. J. Arberry, Mortimer Wheeler, and Richard Winstedt. In the beginning pages of Historical Fact and Fiction, Al-Attas wrote at length that:

“European historians of the Malay Archipelgo comprising prehistorians, ethnologists, archaeologists, philologists, sociologists and other scholars belonging to the social sciences, have meticulously researched and brilliantly elaborated their cogent findings with such diligent and inspiring scholarship that evokes due praise. We much sincerely acknowledge their wonderful contributions and affirm what is true in their interpretation of our history which they have gradually set in the crucible agreed among themselves.”[19]

To this must be added the proposing of new and more grounded theories of the origins of Islam and the spread of new forms of knowledge in the Malay world through the agency of Muslims. To theorize, according to Al-Attas, is not to engage in mere conjecture or speculation which is prevalent among a select group of scholars. Theories are supposed to be verifiable but they are not irrefutably verified. Any effort at theorizing about the processes of Islamization must begin with the premise that the spread of that faith was unique in its own way and should not be spuriously compared with other religions that came prior to it or other ideologies that came after Islam first laid its roots in the hearts and minds of the Malays. It follows then that a theorist of Islamization must understand first the exceptional nature and unique character of the coming and spread of Islam. It is exceptional because, unlike the propagation of Hinduism and Buddhism in the Malay World, which led only to the conversion of the literary elites whose acceptance of those faiths was only skin-deep, Islam brought about a mass conversion of the body and the spirit among the Malays.[20] But how did Al-Attas arrive at this?

To him, such theories could only be conceived if historians free themselves from “the epistemology and methodology of the social sciences” which would inevitably lead to their confused understanding of Islamic civilization.[21] No specifics are given about who these historians are and what branches of the social sciences he openly disapproves of, but it may be speculated that Al-Attas is referring to his contemporaries, especially those Malaysian scholars in the 1970s, who were enamoured with sociological (read orientalist) theories on Islamic civilization. Al-Attas view these theories as problematic because they consist of value-driven judgements. Influenced by such theories, Malaysian scholars promoted a developmentalist and evolutionary theory of Islamization. In brief, proponents of this theory believed that all societies move from one stage to another in a linear fashion – that is, from the traditional or primitive stage to a modern and industrialized era. Islamization in the Malay world is couched as a transitory stage to modernity, a supposition which Al-Attas plainly rejects, as we shall we later.[22]

Having freed themselves from the taint of social sciences, theorists of Islamization and Islamic history must acquaint themselves with a whole mass of indigenous and non-indigenous sources which can provide evidence for origins and spread of Islam. “It seems to me”, according to Al-Attas, “that before one can formulate any theory – historical or otherwise – one must on the basis of the facts gathered from what one knows and on the basis of inferences and implications about the relevant past or even present, that be deduced from those facts, make positive statements of the nature of justifiable assumptions or even postulates in order that the theory may take definite shape.”[23] Often regarded as unreliable due to stories that are deemed as imaginary, Malay texts should be revisited and read more closely for they provide clues to some processes at work in the making of Muslim societies in the region. The method he advocates in analyzing these varied sources is by way of semantic analysis of the concepts used in these texts. Here, he is indebted to the works of the Japanese Islamicist, Toshihiko Izutsu, who argued that an analytic study of the key words within a given language could aid scholars to attain “a conceptual grasp of the Weltanschauung or worldview of the people who use that language as a tool not only of speaking and thinking, but, more important still, of conceptualizing and interpreting the world that surrounds them."[24] By analyzing the keywords and concepts which were found in the works of early modern Muslim mystics and scholars such as Hamzah Fansuri and Nuruddin Al-Raniri and of texts such as the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai and Sejarah Melayu, Al-Attas shows how Islam had brought a shift in the worldview of the Malays towards adopting a more reasoned and scientific approach to life and belief.[25]

Al-Attas also places a high degree of importance on material remains such as tombstones to determine dates of conversion and other important events. Beyond that, it is only proper for a historian to compare Arabian, Persian, Chinese and European accounts with indigenous sources and not to give more importance to one source over another except in instances where historical accounts found in any of these sources defy known facts, logic and sound reasoning. Writing in the tradition of the Muslim historian Ibn Khaldun, Al-Attas proposes that imagination and intuition must used to predict and explain certain events and trends through these sources, and why certain personalities did what they did in a given context.[26]  

By utilizing these methods of approaching the sources, Al-Attas is at pains to point out that with Islam came manifold and unprecedented changes in Malay societies. The coming of Islam, as he forcefully points out, “was the most momentous event in the history of the Archipelago.”[27] In the realm of literature, Malays were introduced to new genres of writing such as the syair, which was already well-established in the Arab-Persian world before finding its way into the Malay world. The person responsible for this was none other than the Sufi mystic Hamzah Fansuri, whose prose and poems represent not only a rupture in “the field of Malay mystical literature, but also in the field of Malay literature in general.”[28] While orientalists saw Hamzah’s works are unoriginal and replicas of texts that could be found in other parts of the Muslim world, Al-Attas maintain that “Hamzah was not merely translating what these Sufis had written, and connecting these translations together to form an intelligible whole; he also demonstrated that he had a total grasp of their ideas and put them, for the most part, in his own phraseology.”[29] Hence, Hamzah Fansuri, and not Munshi Abdullah, should be regarded as the father of Malay literature.

The planting of the seeds of the Islamic culture in the Malay world also contributed to the enrichment of the Malay language, according to Al-Attas’ Islamization theory. The vocabulary and terminologies found in the Malay language expanded with the mass conversion of the Malay literati into Islam. In fact, the language was transformed into becoming a vehicle for philosophical discourse and this had inspired the founding of new forms of creative writing and upgraded the use of Malay from the language of seamen and the market to the language of scholars and the learned. Other consequences of the transformation in the Malay language were the change in the naming of days and months in the calendar used by the Malays and the adoption of terms and writing styles derived from the Arabic script. This is in turn had the effect of linking and exposing the Malays to a wider community of believers that has established their fame and foothold into much of the world. The Malay civilization grew in size and opulence because of this sense of being a part of a once flourishing civilization until the advent of formal colonialism.[30]

One other step that is essential to transcend the problems of orientalism is to redefine certain terms that have been used to explain the history of Islam in the Malay World. Three terms – modern, Islamic civilization and Islamization– preoccupy Al-Attas throughout his career.  He held that the term “modern” used by contemporary scholars explains the European experience but not the Islamic societies in the Malay world. To be modern in the European sense is to revolt against the teachings of the Church, to uphold reason and oppose faith based on unfounded fact. The term “modern” in European history implies the spirit of individual freedom and a humanistic and internationalistic outlook on life. The coming of Islam in the Malay World too ushered in rationalistic, humanistic and internationalistic outlook but that phase is not be considered as “modern” in the European sense because it did not entail a revolt against the Church and the exercise of individual freedom above and beyond the interests of the Muslim community. The “modern” in the light of the history of Islam in the Malay world should be understood as process that brought about a revolution in the spiritual, cultural and material spheres of Malay life and thought towards embracing of the idea of the unity of God (tawhid), the upholding the spirit of the shari’ah (religious law) and the fusing of the practices and ideals of tasawwuf (spirituality).[31]  

As for civilization and Islamization, Al-Attas sees both terms as constituting twin processes. To him, no proper definition of these terms has been attempted. Viewing these processes as dynamic, complex, changing and inter-related, Al-Attas stress that the Islamic civilization could only be realized by eradicating societies of the godless elements and irrational practises which run contrary to the religion of Islam. That process does not entail a complete rejection of past legacies but incorporation of the old and the new into a unified system. To quote him at some length here for the reason that his definition is clear and self-explanatory:

“I define Islamic civilization as a civilization that emerges among the diversity of cultures of Muslim peoples of the world as a result of the permeation of the basic elements of the religion of Islam which those people have caused to emerge from within themselves. The process by which such emergence comes about is called Islamization, which is the liberation first from the magical, mythical, animistic and ethnic cultural tradition incompatible with Islam, and then from secular control over one’s reason and one’s language. Whatever basic and praiseworthy of the pre-Islamic civilization that bind people together and are accepted as compatible with Islam become part of Islamic civilization. It is a living civilization whose pulse describes a process of Islamization, not in the dialectical sense of an evolutionary ‘development’, but in the sense of progress involving every generation of Muslim towards realization the original nature and spirit of Islam as something already established in history; in the sense of the unfolding of the theoretical and practical principles of Islam in the life of the people; in the sense of an actualization of the essentials and potentials of Islam in the realms of existence. This progress, unfolding and actualization depend upon the levels of knowledge of Islam, of intellectual and cultural attainment of the peoples in which the progress, unfolding and actualization occur. Islamic civilization is therefore a manifestation of unity in diversity as well diversity in unity. In terms of cultural history, Malay civilization is an Islamic civilization.”[32]

Conclusion

Al-Attas’ impact on the study of the history of Islam in the Malay World is evident from the frequent references to his works in most books on the subject. His influence upon the present generation of Islamic thinkers in the Malay World is undoubted and the Islamization programme, of which he was a pioneer and leading expert, has gained the attention of thinkers and intellectuals beyond the Southeast Asian borders. This notwithstanding, very little attention has been given to explicate on his concerns with regards to the problems of historical writing, methodology and analysis particularly on the issues he took up against those works that were borne out of the biases of orientalism. The ways in which Al-Attas sought to transcend these problems and critique the suppositions of the orientalists remains a neglected topic even by his most ardent admirers and followers.

There are many reasons that could explain this state of affairs, the most plausible would be the continual assumption that Al-Attas’ most enduring impact resides only in the realm of Islamic philosophy and metaphysics. Another reason could be the attitudes which most local scholars have had in regard to the writings of home-grown scholars and intellectuals. As I have indicated elsewhere in a study of Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy, there exist a pervasive assumption that Malay scholars offered little by way of conceptualizing, theorizing and explaining the various transformations in local societies. Lacking in the theoretical sophistication as well as the methodological rigour that are felt to be present in the works of their South Asian, Arabian and African counterparts, the works of Malay scholars such as Al-Attas are often mined solely for facts and figures, literary styles and linguistic conventions rather than for wide-ranging insights and relevant generalizations.[33]

It is only timely that we step out of this intellectual quandary. And one of the crucial steps towards that direction is to revisit and scrutinize the works of local scholars such as Al-Attas so as to open up new vistas in the study of Islam in the Malay World. Indeed, it is in the history of Islamization in this part of the world, the relating of stories about personalities and collectives that have sowed the seeds of Islam, the uncovering of sources that have by far been neglected and misunderstood and the dismantling of the fallacies of orientalist scholarship that one finds Al-Attas’ most profound insights and his most lasting accomplishment.

[1] Mona Abaza, Debates on Islam and Knowledge in Malaysia and Egypt (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002), p. 90; Farish A Noor. ‘The localization of Islamist Discourse in the Tafsir of Tuan Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat, Murshi’ul Am of PAS,’ in Virginia Hooker and Norani Othman (eds.), Malaysia: Islam, Society and Politics (Singapore: ISEAS, 2003), pp. 195-235 and Geog Stauth, Politics and Cultures of Islamization in Southeast Asia (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2002), pp. 187-228.

[2] Even so, no extensive discussion of Al-Attas’ contributions to the study of Southeast Asian Islamic historiography is made in the colossal Festschrift in honour of his lifetime achievements. This is rather unfortunate, especially given that history forms the axis that binds most, if not all, of Al-Attas’ writings. See: Wan Mohd. Nor Wan Daud and Muhammad Zainiy Uthman (eds.), Knowledge, language, thought and the civilization of Islam: Essays in Honor of Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas (Skudai: UTM Press, 2010).

[3] Peter Riddell, Islam and the Malay-Indonesia World: Transmission and Responses (London: C. Hurst and Co. 2011), p. 234.

[4] For a review of works by Malaysian scholars on orientalism: see Syed Farid Alatas, Alternative discourses in Asian social science: responses to Eurocentrism (Thousand Oaks : Sage Publications, 2006).

[5] Taksahi Shiraishi, An Age in Motion: Popular Radicalism in Java, 1912-1926 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990).

[6] For a more detailed biography of Al-Attas, see: Wan Mohd Nor Wan Daud, The educational philosophy and practice of Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas : an exposition of the original concept of Islamization (Kuala Kumpur: International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization, 1998).

[7] Edward Said, Orientalism (London: Penguin, 2003).

[8] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Preliminary statement on a general theory of the Islamization of the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago (Kuala Lumpur , Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1969), p. 5.

[9] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Origin of the Malay Sha’ir (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1968), p. 50-51.

[10] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Islam and Secularism (Kuala Lumpur: International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC), 1993), p. 106.

[11] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Origin of the Malay Sha’ir, p. 3.

[12] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Correct Date of the Trengganu Inscription (Kuala Lumpur: Museums Department, 1970), p. 7.

[13] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, ‘Pendita Za’ba: Satu Penghormatan’, in Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Bahasa dan Kesusasteraan Melayu (Kuala Lumpur: Kementerian Kebudayaan, Belia dan Sukan Malaysia, 1976) pp. 4-5

[14] Prasenjit Duara, ‘Transnationalism and the Challenge to National Histories’, in Thomas Bender (ed.), Rethinking American History in a Global Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), p. 30.

[15] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Preliminary statement on a general theory of the Islamization of the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago, p. 31.

[16] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Preliminary statement on a general theory of the Islamization of the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago, p. 13.

[17] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Historical Fact and Fiction (Johor Bahru: Universiti Teknologi Malaysia Press, 2011), p. xiii.

[18] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970), p. 186.

[19] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Historical Fact and Fiction, p. xi.

[20] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Preliminary statement on a general theory of the Islamization of the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago.

[21] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Historical Fact and Fiction, p. xiv.

[22] See for example: Syed Hussein Alatas, Modernization and social change: studies in modernization, religion, social change and development in South-East Asia (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1972), p. 24.

[23] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Origin of the Malay Sha’ir, p. 5.

[24] Toshihiko Izutsu's God and Man in the Koran: Semantics of the Koranic Weltanschauung (Tokyo: Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1964), p. 11.

[25] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970), 142 ff; Islam: the Concept of Religion and the Foundation of Ethics and Morality (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1992); and his The Concept of Education in Islam: A Framework for an Islamic Philosophy of Education (Kuala Lumpur: Muslim Youth Movement Malaysia, 1980).

[26] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Historical Fact and Fiction, p. 1-41 and Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Correct Date of the Trengganu Inscription.

[27] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Preliminary statement on a general theory of the Islamization of the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago, p. 2.

[28] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970), p. 178.

[29] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970), p. 14.

[30] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Islam dalam sejarah dan kebudayaan Melayu (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1984), pp. 40-41.

[31] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Islam and Secularism, p. 170.

[32] Syed Muhd Naquib Al-Attas, Historical Fact and Fiction, p. xv.

[33] Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, ‘A Theory of Colonialism in the Malay World’, Postcolonial Studies, 14, 1, p. 7.

http://www.deenrevival.com/239/

al-Kiram al-Alami

كشف أسرار أكثر القرى غموضا فى مصر: عالم "الكرام"!

المصدر: الأهرام اليومى

لا أخفى أننى عندما قررت زيارة هذا المشروع، كان بداخلى شغف كبير بإكتشاف أسراره بعد أن سمعت عنه الكثير لدرجة وصفه بأنه واحد من أغرب المشروعات الزراعية على الإطلاق فى مصر! أتحدث هنا عن مزرعة شركة "الكرام" المساهمة والتى تعد بمثابة قرية متكاملة الخدمات والمرافق على مساحة 500 فدان بطريق القاهرة - الأسكندرية الصحراوى وتحديدا بمنطقة التحدى على بعد نحو 90 كيلو متر من القاهرة وأنشأها ضابط مهندس بالقوات المسلحة سابقا وهو إمام الطريقة الصوفية الكبرى "الدسوقية المحمدية" الشيخ مختار على محمد وربما لذلك تشعر بالبركة فى كل أرجاء المزرعة وجوانبها. فهناك تقام ليالى الذكر.
والمدهش حقا أن هناك نحو 150 أسرة على الاقل تعيش داخل القرية إعاشة كاملة وربما لا يغادرها بعض أفرادها من الرجال سوى لقضاء أعمالهم ثم العودة سريعا إليها وجميعهم من أتباع الطريقة. والكل يعمل هناك الكبير قبل الصغير مهما كان منصبه، فهم ليسوا مجرد مزارعين، بل مستشارين ومهندسين وضباط وأساتذة جامعات وغيرها من المناصب. ولذا لم أتعجب عندما زرتها ووجدت أن من يقدم لى فنجان الشاى بترحاب شديد وهو يرتدى ملابس العمل الخاصة بحصاد الإنتاج السمكى بالمزرعة. مهندس شاب تخرج فى الجامعة الأمريكية!.
بل حتى الأطفال هناك من أبناء القرية يبدأون العمل بمجرد بلوغهم السادسة من العمر لتجهيزهم كجيل ثان لإدارة شئون المزرعة مستقبلا، فبعد عودتهم من مدارسهم فى محيط القرية يتجه كل منهم إلى عمله. فتجد من يقدمون العلف للأسماك حيث تضم القرية نحو 13 حوضا أسمنتيا للإستزراع السمكى للبلطى والقراميط والتى تنتج نحو 100 طن فى الدورة الواحدة أو من يهتمون بأحواض الزريعة السمكية أو يرعون الأغنام أو يحصدون البرسيم وغيرها من الأعمال التى تضمها المزرعة وجعلت إسمها عالميا بعد كرمتها اليابان وإختارتها ضمن أفضل 100 مشروع زراعى فى العالم بل وأعد عنها الدكتور جمال مختار الرسالة العلمية التى حصل بها على شهادة الدكتوراة فى الإقتصاد بعنوان "نظم الإنتاج المتكاملة للإستزراع السمكى والزراعة ودورها فى الإستغلال الإقتصادى الأمثل للمياه والأراضى وبالمناسبة فهو نجل المهندس "مختار على محمد" إمام وشيخ الطريقة الدسوقية المحمدية.
هناك ترى الإنضباط الصارم فى كل جوانب الحياة، والإلتزام الكامل بالقانون المصرى، فمثلا المبانى كالفيلات والشقق السكنية بمختلف مساحاتها ومناطق سكن العمال بنيت بنظام موحد على مساحة 2% من إجمالى مساحة الأرض فقط وتم تجميعها فى منطقة واحدة ويتواجد بها منطقة خدمية متكاملة لتوفير الإحتياجات الأساسية لأهالى الكرام، وهو ما يتطابق إلى حد بعيد مع الريف الأوروبى فالزراعة بمختلف مشروعاتها بعيدة عن التجمعات السكنية، ولكن كيف تمارس الزراعة فى "الكرام" ولماذا بهرت العالم؟!
فى مؤتمر كيوتو العالمى فى اليابان قبل عدة سنوات إستعرض الشيخ "مختار" تجربة الكرام والتى تؤكد أن تربية الأسماك فى الصحراء ترشد إستهلاك المياه، حيث يتم إستصلاح الأراضى الجديدة وزراعتها على مياه تربية الأسماك المخصبة للتربة بمعنى إستصلاح الأراضى الجديدة وزراعتها على مياه تربية الأسماك المخصبة للحصول على عوائد متوازية فى منظومة إقتصادية متكاملة مع مراعاة البعد البيئى معتمدة على إعتدال دورة المياه وذلك بزراعة لأراضى الجديدة على مياه الصرف بأنواعها حيث يتم إستخراج المياة من الآبار الجوفية وضخها فى الأحواض الأسمنتية المربى بها الأسماك وفى حالة صرفها وتغييرها تروى بها الأراضى المستصلحة حيث أنها مخصبة ومحملة بأسمدة كمواد عضوية ناتجة من مخرجات الأسماك وفضلاتها ومن ثم تربى الأسماك على مياه جوفية نظيفة خالية من أية ملوثات كيمائية أو ميكروبية. من هنا فاز الشيخ مختار بالمركز الأول على العالم بمشروعه رغم أن الـ99 مشروع الآخر المنافس له كان حكوميا ويمثل أشهر مراكز الأبحاث العالمية. هل أدرك من وضعوا قانون الرى المصرى بأنهم يرتكبون جريمة كبرى بأن جعلوا الإستزراع السمكى على مياه الصرف ويرفضون تعديله!
ويقوم المشروع على 10 أسس يجب تحديدها بدقة بالغة وهى المساحة المراد إقامة المشروع عليها وتحديد نوع المزروعات المراد زراعتها على مياه الأسماك وحساب المقننات المائية اللازمة للزراعة وانشاء الآبار المنتجة للمياه وحساب الطاقة والقوى المحركة لإستخراج المياه وحساب حجم الأحواض اللازمة لإستيعاب المياه وعدد الزريعة اللازمة للتربية والعلائق اللازمة للتربية وحجم قطيع الأغنام وحساب العمالة اللازمة للمشروع المتكامل وعمل دراسة جدوى صحيحة لا تقوم على الفرضيات، ومن هنا تتحقق العوائد المتوازية وهى توافر الزريعة السمكية طوال العام والأصبعيات وأمهات البلطى للمشروع وللراغبين فى إنشاء مفرخات وأسماك البلطى النيلى وحيد الجنس على مدار العام وانتاج القراميط النظيفة والإنتاج الزراعى والحيوانى والبيوجاز.
وبإختصار شديد فإن المشروع الذى زاره أشهر السياسيين مثل د. عاطف عبيد ود. يوسف والى ود. على لطفى رئيس وزراء مصر السابق ود. محمود أبوزيد ود. محمود رياض والعشرات من رجال الأعمال لمتابعة الدورة المغلقة التى تنفذ بإحترافية عالية وتعتمد على تربية أسماك البلطى ثم صرف المياه لأحواض تربية القراميط لقدرته على تحمل إنخفاض الأكسجين وإرتفاع الأمونيا، ثم تصرف المياه بمحتوياتها من مخرجات الأسماك وبقايا الأعلاف للأراضى لزراعة البساتين والبرسيم الحجازى والتى تنتج أعلاف للثروة الحيوانية من أغنام ومواشى والتى تنتج الألبان ومنتجاتها، أما مخرجاتها فتوجه من جديد لتسميد الأرض ووحدة البيوجاز لإنتاج طاقة آمنة وأسمدة معقمه. وربما لا يعلم أحد أن تطبيق مثل هذا النموذج المتكامل على مساحة مليون فدان توزع على مستوى الجمهورية، يوفر نحو 250 ألف فرصة عمل و500 ألف طن أسماك بلطى سنويا و1500 طن لحوم
وأخيرا كان يرافقنى فى الجولة داخل مزرعة شركة الكرام الدكتور جمال مختار والذى كان شديد الدقة فى شرح كل جوانب العمل بالمزرعة، فقلت له بصورة مباشرة. وماذا عن الطريقة الدسوقية المحمدية وما هى حكاية المريدين والعشاق الذين يأتون بالآلاف من شتى بقاع الأرض إلى الكرام حيث حلقات الذكر وجلسات الإنشاد. ماذا يحدث وهل حقا تمول من الخارج؟!
قال لى الرجل بهدوء شديد: الطريقة الدسوقية المحمدية تتبع المجلس الأعلى للطرق الصوفية وشأنها شأن كثير من الطرق فى مصر والتى تتبع القانون 168 لسنة 1976 والطريقة دعوة إلى الله جل شأنه وتعالى إسمه ورسولة الكريم محمد عليه أفضل الصلاة والسلام. بالحكمة والموعظة الحسنة لإحياء السنة ونبذ البدع ولها شيخ درعه وسيفه كتاب الله وسنة رسوله الكريم محمد عليه أفضل الصلاة والسلام وشيوخها هم سيدى إبراهيم الدسوقى ثم الشيخ محمد عثمان السودانى ثم الشيخ مختار على ولنا 120 مقر على مستوى الجمهورية وهنا فى "الكرام" المقر الرئيسى.
وأضاف أنها إحدى الطرق التى يتبعها آل البيت وهو مصطلح يشمل "نسب الدم ونسب المحبة شرط صحة الإتباع بمعنى أن الذرية التى تنسب لسيدنا ورسولنا الكريم محمد عليه أفضل الصلاة والسلام من صلح منها يصبح من العترة ومن تفوق من العترة يصبح من الأهل ولكن شرط صحة الإتباع ويأتون دائما فى الليالى الدينية للإحتفال معنا مثل الإسراء والمعراج وليلة القدر وغيرها، وبالمناسبة لا يشترط فى المساهمين فى الكرام تبعية الطريقة المحمدية الدسوقية على الإطلاق.
قلت: هل يأتيكم تمويل من الخراج؟!
قال بضحكة عالية: هل تعلم أنه فى أحد الأيام زارنا فى الكرام الخبير الزراعى العالمى "جيف جورى" وهو إسترالى الجنسية ووصف المزرعة بأنها تفوق المعايير العالمية للإستزراع السمكى الذى يتبعه الإستزراع النباتى وعرض علينا تمويل بنحو مليونى يورو لمزيد من التطوير والإنجاز وبالطبع كان رفضنا قاطعا خوفا من أن يقال أن الطريقة الدسوقية المحمدية تمول من الخارج. وباليورو

!.

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